Thursday, June 30, 2005

Predictions of Drought Lack Credibility

Few natural events raise a greater sense of fear across the Australian community than drought.  Australia is the driest inhabited continent and its pattern of rainfall is highly variable from year to year and over decades.  Drought is best thought of as a period when accumulated rainfall is significantly less than that anticipated.  It is of particular concern because of its impact on agricultural production and rural communities.  Even major cities are affected as water supplies diminish during periods of extended drought.

CSIRO scientists say that later this century there could be three times as many droughts every decade in Australia because of climate change.  Using computer models based on different levels of carbon dioxide emissions, they claim to predict temperature, rainfall and drought in the year 2070.

The CSIRO prediction is particularly alarming and should receive close scrutiny.  A more sober assessment of past rainfall patterns and the way the complex climate system actually works do not support the claims.

The Bureau of Meteorology publication, "Drought, Dust and Deluge:  A Century of Climate Extremes in Australia", identifies 6 major drought events during the 20th century and gives the historical context.  Two of these events extended over about 12 months but the others were multi-year droughts.

The 1914-15 and 1982-83 droughts were linked to major El Nino events, the abnormal warming of surface waters of the central and eastern Equatorial Pacific Ocean.  El Nino events have no known association with global temperature trends.  They come about through two contributing factors:  a reduction in upwelling of very cold sub-surface water, and eastward flow of warmer water from the western Pacific Ocean.

Warmer surface temperatures over the central and eastern Pacific Ocean affect the atmosphere in two ways.  Firstly, they caused rain-producing clouds to move eastward from Indonesia and New Guinea to the Pacific Ocean;  this reduces the tropical moisture supply to the weather systems over Australia.  Secondly, the normal subsidence of air over Australia, which contributes to drying of the atmosphere and is the cause of the generally low rainfall, is increased.

The overall effect of any El Nino event is to reduce rainfall over Australia although not all El Nino events result in drought.  The pattern of rainfall deficiency is not consistent with each event because rain occurs in association with individual weather systems.  Some regions can receive adequate rainfalls even when there are more general deficiencies elsewhere.  The major El Nino event of 1997-98 had global impact but timely rains mitigated the effect on Australia.

Multi-year drought events were experienced from 1885-1902 (the Federation Drought), 1937-45, 1965-68 and 1991-95.  Each of these was linked to El Nino-like sea surface temperature patterns across the equatorial Pacific Ocean.  Above average temperatures dominated the central Pacific and at times extended to the eastern Pacific.  These multi-year events are sometimes called "long El Nino".

Varying sea surface temperature patterns over the tropical Indian Ocean also affect Australian rainfall, particularly the northwest of the continent.  Overall, the influence of tropical sea surface temperature patterns on Australian rainfall is second only to the seasonal cycle.

Ocean temperature records have identified an apparent "climate shift" to warmer surface waters across the tropical Pacific Ocean during 1976.  The cause of the general warming has been linked to a decrease in overturning of the ocean surface layer and reduced upwelling of colder sub-surface water across the tropical Pacific and Indian Oceans.

The reduction of Australian rainfall over the last three decades is an outcome of the generally warmer sea surface temperature of the Pacific and Indian Oceans and the characteristic El Nino-like conditions.  It cannot be linked to increasing carbon dioxide concentrations.

Our understanding of rainfall patterns over Australia would lead to the conclusion that any future changes in rainfall, such as more droughts and more floods, must result from increased variability of the sea surface temperature patterns of the tropical oceans.  In particular, if the CSIRO computer-based predictions are to have any veracity, we would expect the computer models to respond to anthropogenic greenhouse forcing by projecting more frequent and more intense El Nino events.

For the major 1997-98 El Nino event, computer models underestimated the speed and eventual strength of the tropical warming.  Climate forecasters cannot yet be confident in the skill of computer model projections a few months in advance.  The reality is that computer models do not simulate El Nino events with skill.  The UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), in its 2001 Third Assessment Report, makes this point.

Computer simulations extending over many years reproduce some of the characteristics of El Nino-like events but the amplitude is significantly less than observed.  Also, computer models have not demonstrated an ability to reproduce the ocean dynamics associated with observed El Nino events.

In summary, the computer models are unable to simulate the most basic regulator of Australian rainfall variability, either under existing conditions or with increasing carbon dioxide concentration.

The reality is that Australian rainfall responds to the dynamics of the ocean circulations and changing tropical sea surface temperatures.  The ocean circulations are a poorly observed and understood component of the climate system.  We can make no predictions about future Australian rainfall until we better understand the oceans and represent their motions in computer models.

The CSIRO predictions of more droughts, based as they are on rudimentary computer models, lack credibility.

Tuesday, June 28, 2005

Values

CHAPTER 8

The best form of efficiency is the spontaneous cooperation of free people.

-- Woodrow Wilson

What has this book been about?  On the surface it's been about the law of contract, employment, self-employment, the nature of the firm, doing business and how we choose to regulate and control these things.  But these are just technical issues, which overlie a deeper issue.  This book is really about our values, about how we choose to define ourselves as individuals, particularly in the work situation in a seemingly complex world.

One objective of this book has been to look at how in the past we have thought of ourselves in the work and broader social contexts and how these contexts affected the way we have defined ourselves as individuals.  By looking at our past we can better understand our present.

For most of human history, it has been thought that social stability and order required that the individual be subservient to the greater good of the collective.  Class consciousness and class structures required people to be happy with the station into which they were born.  "Others" who were powerful by accident of birth, wealth or physical capacity made decisions that controlled society.  Social cohesion required all to accept their station and its duties.


POLITICAL FREEDOM

But then ideas of democracy and social equality took hold.  Every person, it was argued, is born equal and entitled to equal rights and equal treatment.  Nations exist for "the people" and not for the privileged -- that is what democracy means.  We have taken this to heart -- and so we should.

We have learnt that, for a human society to be effective, successful and unified, it does not need to be "controlled" by a few powerful people at the top (even though it may need political leaders).  In fact, the reverse is the case.  Democracy diffuses power.  Everyone in some way, however seemingly minor, becomes a player in the decision-making processes.  And out of this emerges structure, order and stability.  It's far from perfect, forever changing, often tenuous but always striving for perfection -- even though we know that perfection is probably unattainable.

In this environment of diffused power, institutions are always challenged.  Decisions are always open to challenge.  Social stability is a conundrum.  Social stability means not being static but being in a state of constant movement.  But, somehow, out of this constant movement, humans create order.

But societies that diffuse power, unlike command societies, don't have the appearance of simple, solid social structures into which we easily fit.  Instead, democratic societies are big, complex and hard to fathom.  It's hard to work out how a free society works and where as individuals we fit.  But it does work and we do fit.

And it works and we fit because, in democracies, in free societies, where the powerful are constrained, the individual is supreme.  All individuals are supreme.  What matters in such societies is the personal happiness and fulfilment of each individual.  The collective is made up, not of a hierarchy which dictates to those below, but of a collection of individuals, moving, shifting, chasing;  finding their own values, their own meaning, their own purpose and place;  securing their own contentment.  But, oddly, it's not a social structure driven by selfishness.

Humans are an odd cluster of contradictions.  For societies to operate, logic would seem to dictate that individuals should consciously put the collective's need above their own.  Simple logic would suggest that this defines selflessness.  But this is not the case.  In fact, a counter-intuitive logic applies.  A society that focuses on individuality in fact strengthens itself and achieves community.  When humans are allowed the freedom to be intensely individual, they strive also to be social.  We crave the company of our fellow humans.  We find and define ourselves by the people around us -- our families, our friends, our clubs, our churches, and the many and varied institutions in which we congregate for mutual self-interest.  We find ourselves by being intensely individual but in the same instant intensely social.  Culture is thus created, not by the efforts of the few geniuses we so often admire, but by the millions of small creations of each individual brought together because we choose to come together.  We humans create order out of this.


ECONOMICS

It is the same with the way we run our economies.  We have learnt the same lessons as we have with democracy.  Economies do not become successful by being command-driven.  No-one masterminds the whole.  No-one is an earthly economic god.  Instead, the individual is supreme.  Individuals decide how and when they spend their money.  Individuals determine the food they buy and the clothes they wear.  As individuals, we strive to look after our own economic needs.  But as individuals we also strive to look after the economic needs of those around us, and those that depend on us or who need our aid.  And the more we are left to look after our own economic needs, the more we find we can do it.  Somehow, order emerges from what might otherwise be considered the inevitability of chaos if command structures were not in place.  The contradictions of human nature are in play.

Free-market societies have learnt the subtle game of enabling the free economic individual to flourish without letting any individual dominate.  We have learnt that for any individual to be free, no other individual can dominate.  Free-market societies have learnt that to achieve this it is necessary to underpin economic life with a very specific type of structural control.  But it's control which has one principal and narrow objective -- namely, to allow each individual their economic freedom but prevent any individual denying that same freedom to any another.  This requires carefully crafted laws that never lose sight of this central objective.  It requires institutions and people who understand this objective and who can apply crafted law in conformity with it.  This is the economic management process of monopoly prevention.  Our laws allow each individual to aspire to and achieve great wealth.  But our laws must ensure that anyone who achieves wealth and economic might cannot use that might to prevent other individuals from also aspiring to and achieving individual wealth.

This is a difficult task.  But when successful, societies move forward and can do so in spectacular ways.  And from this comes order, an order which is a miracle of human ingenuity, an order in which no-one dominates but in which everyone is involved, more or less, on their own terms.  This is why the commercial contract is so important and why the commercial contract has been referred to so often in this book.


THE COMMERCIAL CONTRACT -- FREEDOM

This book has spent a great deal of time explaining, discussing and praising the commercial contract, because the commercial contract is a bedrock of our personal economic freedoms.  It must be understood that to damage the commercial contract is to damage our personal economic freedom.  It must be protected also because it is the bedrock for successful, free, open market economies.

The commercial contract is an everyday experience for each of us.  When we buy candy from a store, we have engaged in a commercial contract.  No-one makes us buy the candy.  No-one forces us to buy the particular candy we have chosen.  The purchase is, in fact, the most basic expression of our individuality and of our freedom.  There is no control over us.  Yet we have engaged in a human action involving a contract which protects our individuality and freedom.  The commercial contract ensures that we cannot be forced to buy the candy but that, if we do buy it, what is advertised on the wrapper must be what is inside the wrapper.  Our choice is protected.  Because we have bought that piece of candy nothing requires us to buy another piece of candy or anything else in the store.  The seller of the candy has no rights over us other than our obligation to pay for the candy.  And as far as the commercial contract is concerned, anyone who engages in the contract is equal, no matter what the colour of their skin, their religion, their comparative wealth, their political power, their sexual preference or any other matter.  Whether the shop owner has equal wealth to us, or is a powerful retail baron or corporation, does not matter, because for the purposes of the commercial contract we have equal power.  The commercial contract plays one principal role, that of ensuring equality and fairness between us.

In this sense the commercial contract is value-laden, but not value-laden in the way we normally think of values.  Rather, the commercial contract is value-neutral and that is it's most important value.  The value that the commercial contract has for us is the social value that we are all equal.  It may be thought odd to conceive of a contract having a social value but it's helpful to think of it this way.  It helps us to understand the role the commercial contract plays in society in protecting each individual.

The commercial contract protects us because it doesn't care who we are or what we do.  It has no emotional attachment to us but is emotionally neutral.  But it is this emotional neutrality that enables the commercial contract to treat us all as equals.  The commercial contract is devoid of feeling, which is why it can treat each of us as equals.

And this is what makes a free-market economy hum -- because it is controlled, run and organised through layers of fast-moving, interconnected commercial contracts.  There is no overseer.  There is no master controller.  The candy we purchase from the store is purchased by the storekeeper using a commercial contract.  The delivery is made by means of a commercial contract.  The manufacturer purchased the ingredients through the commercial contract.  The advertising was organised through a commercial contract.  The paper to wrap the candy was obtained through a commercial contract.  And throughout this ongoing, fast-moving process, the commercial contract never changes.  It remains at all stages value-neutral with respect to the choices individuals make.  It neither knows nor cares who the parties to each contract are.  All it must care about is its own integrity to its value neutrality.

In this process, the commercial contract forms an essential and necessary part of the bedrock of free societies, free markets and free economies.


FREE BUT NOT FREE?

But, oddly, even where societies are not free democracies, if the commercial contract is protected, those societies can still have hugely successful and strong free-market economies with widely distributed wealth.  Freedom has seeming contradictions.

How can economic freedom exist without political freedom, it may be asked?  But it can.  Political freedom and economic freedom are not dependent upon each other;  whether or not that is good or bad!  Such is the power of the commercial contract that, as long as it is respected, economic freedom can be preserved even when political freedom is restricted.

But the care and management of the commercial contract is a difficult task -- one which is easily damaged by any government which does not understand that that is one of its primary roles.


THE POWER OF THE INDIVIDUAL

Quite obviously this book considers the commercial contract to be of immense importance.  The value-neutrality of the commercial contract makes it incredibly difficult for any single person or group in a society to economically dominate a society or the individuals in society.  If protected and layered with other anti-monopoly devices, particularly the prevention of monopoly economic power being garnered by the state itself, absolute economic power in a society is thwarted by the commercial contract.  Economic power in a free-market society exists, but monopoly power is thwarted by other countervailing and competitive economic powers.

The result is that where the commercial contract prevails, the most powerful economic unit in society is the consumer.  In this sense, a free market economy is the expression of economic democracy, where individuals, as consumers, cast their economic vote many times in every day -- and, unlike in political democracy, they always get what they vote for.  The economic ballot paper is the commercial contract.

But the focus this book is the fact that, unfortunately, these lessons have not been learnt in our working lives.  This is a principal message of this book.  Humans have learnt that we create social order when political freedom prevails.  We have learnt that we create economic order when economic freedom prevails.  But we have not learnt that order is created in firms when working freedom prevails.  We humans are slow learners, it would seem!


EMPLOYMENT -- A TROUBLESOME CONTRACT!

When it comes to our working lives, that is, the process by which most of us earn a living, the dominant ethos of the twentieth century has been that the lessons of the free market and the value-neutral commercial contract do not and cannot apply.  When we have thought about the firm -- that is, the entity that creates our goods and services -- we assume that all the rules that make for democracy, for free markets, for free economies and for the supremacy of the individual cannot apply.  We have assumed (and largely continue to assume) that within the firm, the value-neutral features that make up the commercial contract are of no relevance.

We see the firm as having to be the old, hierarchical, class-based structure that has been so solidly rejected in our normal, non-working daily lives.  And this is dependent on the employment contract.

It is the employment contract that declares that one person, the employer, is more powerful than the other person, the employee.  The employment contract is a contract about the legal and institutional cementing of inequality.  This is not some figment of the imagination.  The entire purpose of Chapter One was to present the evidence of what the employment contract is as determined by law.  And there is no question that, on the evidence, the employment contract is a legal device in which the employee hands over to the employer the right of the employer to control the employee.  But this situation occurs only inside the firm.  And, strangely, we have done this and accepted the outcome, hardly questioning the contradiction between life within the firm and life outside it.

And this idea of the firm is not limited to profit-making private companies.  In fact, the firm is a general idea for any human organisation that functions to provide goods or services.  This includes public service organisations, government-owned instrumentalities, not-for-profit charities and so on.

We now generally believe that economies function best with minimal intervention from a central command.  We know that economies function best when central bodies create and enforce frameworks that ensure the value-neutrality of the commercial contract and all that goes with it.  Yet, within the firm, the dominant assumption is that the firm must be driven by a single vision and orders from a central command.  The mechanism is the employment contract.

At the level of society at large, we understand that culture is created by the interplay of the values of free people.  Laws and government provide the frameworks within which the values of free people can mix.  We recognise that attempts by individuals or groups to impose values on the collective are exercises in intellectual, cultural and personal arrogance.  In democracies, arrogance has become a personal liability for aspiring political leaders.  Yet, within the firm, we continue to believe that people cannot be free and must instead bend, be bent or at least cajoled into accepting the culture that has been determined from the top.  Cultural arrogance is a dominant hallmark of the firm made possible by the employment contract.

We assume these things about the firm because that's the way it seems always to have been.  Without thinking, we reach deep into core, human tribal roots and pull out a most basic of human instincts, the desire of one individual to control others, and assume that this must be the structure through which the firm must operate.  We give this notion its full legal form by insisting on the employment contract.  The employment contract tells us that we must suppress our individuality in favour of the higher needs of whoever are the "tribal chiefs" in the firm.  The employment contract instructs us that we have to be loyal to the system of the firm rather than hold true to our own individual integrity.  The employment contract instructs us that, when we work, our identity, our world view, our sense of self-worth is determined by our place within the firm, and that the firm, like a wise and benevolent chieftain, will protect and look after us.  In this we are supposed to feel comfortable, relaxed, at ease and at peace.

This may be right.  This may be proper.  This may be acceptable.  This may be the way things have been done for a long time.  But is this the only way?  Does this not contradict what we have learnt about political freedom?  Does this not contradict what we have learnt about economic freedom?  Does this not contradict what we have learnt about the pathways to personal fulfilment?  The evidence set out in this book suggests that employment is contradictory to our other normal freedoms which we hold dear.

Societies have moved on and continue to move away from our tribal roots.  We have moved on from the idea that central benevolent bodies will protect us if we relinquish our individuality in exchange for blind loyalty.  In free societies, in all other aspects of our daily lives, it is the ability to experience and express our individuality that has become one of our most cherished values.  And the release of individuality, counterbalanced and constrained as it is by the free release of everyone else's individuality, is what brings political, social and economic well-being along with order to our societies.  Employment works against this trend.  Demonstrating this point has been a primary goal of this book.

But is employment illegitimate?  Oddly enough, the answer is "no"!

Within society at large, we allow individuals to do their thing.  And that applies equally to firms.  If individual firms wish to follow the path of employment, we do, and must, allow them to do so.  If the suppression of individuality and the imposition of central control is the route firms wish to pursue, then they have that right to do so.  Firms that choose the employment route must accept, however, that the state will apply its employment regulation against them as a consequence.

However, neither the state nor society has the right to impose the employment model on to all firms.  Yet this is what occurs.  Through our labour regulation institutions, our taxing authorities, our work safety laws, our academic concepts of the firm and our views of how the firm should be regulated, we have created a paradigm which presupposes employment as the only model for the firm.  Almost by default we insist on imposing employment as the required model.  For an individual firm not to seek employment as its internal structure is to confront mighty and powerful institutions of the state.  To seek not to use employment constitutes a serious challenge to the existence of those institutions and is often the cause of oppression by them as a consequence.

In addition, the enforcement of employment is powerfully supported by prevailing cultures of management.  Managers of firms are themselves mostly employees operating within the cultural and legal authority levels created by the myth of the employer.  Managers mostly see themselves as benevolent masters, and when managers get together they reinforce the benevolent master culture among themselves.  For any individual manager to buck this culture either within an individual firm or within a given society is to challenge a powerful cultural norm.  Only some individuals confront the norm and only occasionally!


A VALUES REVOLUTION AT WORK

But change is happening and it is a powerful force.  This is another key message of this book.

The change is driven by individuals who see freedom in their political, economic and social lives as being normal, expected and a right.  The employment paradigm of firms and regulators grates against these expectations of freedom.  And people are responding.

A revolution, a very quiet revolution, is under way.  It is a revolution without a banner, anger or mass demonstrations.  It is a revolution where millions of individuals working in employment-structured firms, through their personal behaviours, reject the crushing of their individuality.  These are the people this book has referred to as "independent employees", people who are trapped within the contract of employment but who have personal independence in their souls.  Management has had to respond to this by trying to create systems and processes which allow scope for individuality but retain "control".  Within employment structures this creates tension.  Indeed, managers themselves are part of this revolution and this tension -- also insisting on their individuality and often encouraging the individuality of others.

But the process of change that is occurring is not thought of in this context as being about individual freedom.  In fact, the people who are carrying out the change think of what they are doing as just a matter of being sensible, practical and respectful of themselves and others.  In fact, people sense that there is something wrong inside firms but feel unable to pinpoint it.  In reality, the problem lies in the core structure of the firm created by the employment contract.

But the revolution is more than just one of attitudes.  Increasingly, the employment contract itself is being rejected.  And this rejection of the employment contract now constitutes a substantial part of the world of work.  More and more, individuals are using the commercial contract as the method of engaging in work, thereby replacing the employment contract.  The people who do this have had many names tagged to them:  freelancer, self-employed contractor, independent worker, own-account worker and so on.  The term used in this book is "independent contractor".  Chapter Two case-studied the independent contractor sheep shearers in Queensland, and found that the attitudes of independence and personal freedom are not just theoretical but real and living human values.  And it's becoming clear that, in many societies, making use of the commercial contract accounts for somewhere in excess of one-fifth of workforces.  This worries the employment regulators and the employment institutions because they have difficulty understanding the change, seeing it in conspiratorial terms as a threat to them and their familiar institutions.

But the use of the commercial contract as the guiding value-neutral structure, both within firms and between individuals, is an inevitable consequence of the development of free societies and free people.  The shift to the commercial contract challenges state institutions only if the institutions act aggressively against it and try to destroy it.  In fact, the commercial contract in the workplace is perfectly adaptable to the regulatory requirements relating to work safety, taxation, anti-discrimination and so on.  The only area where it is not adaptable is state attempts to destroy the commercial contract itself.

For the firm, the unanswered question is how to accommodate individuality inside the firm and yet still retain internal control.  On this issue there is a mental block.  If the firm is not commanded and controlled from the top, surely chaos will be unleashed?  But chaos is not the inevitable outcome -- as we have seen in our understandings of how democracies and free markets work in general terms.  In fact, a high degree of order and structure can be created in firms by using the commercial contract.  This was the point of Chapter 7, which demonstrated the emergence of what can be called "markets in the firm".  If the "controllers" of firms conceive of themselves as encouragers and protectors of a system of commercial contract transactions inside firms, the way to create order while enabling individuality becomes clear.  Initially the process seems complex and certainly is counter to basic human instincts to control.  But it's perfectly feasible and is being done.

Democracies and free markets represent a higher order of human organisational achievement than do command and control.  The key structure is the unleashing of individuality balanced by devices which frustrate monopoly.  And democracies and free markets have developed high-order laws, systems and institutions to achieve this structure.  Every firm is capable of doing internally what free societies have achieved externally to the firm.  But it's not an easy path because it is not a familiar path.  It's not a well-known path partly because it is not recognised in the realm of academic study.  But it is a better path that leads to better outcomes -- both for the firm and for the people who work in, or more exactly the people who work with, the firm.

This has huge importance for the individual.  Working in the firm as an employee is often a frustrating and debilitating experience relieved only by the freedom achieved outside of the firm.  This should not be the everyday human experience of the firm.

Working in, being part of, or interfacing with the firm as an individual can and should be an uplifting personal experience.  For many people it is.  Many people do find rewarding experiences working inside the employment firm.  Some people can enjoy the apparent security of command and control.  Many people learn to use the firm to achieve their own ends.  But many people also go one step further and become their own firm.  Being your own firm and economically interacting with, supplying services to, and receiving services from, other firms is the ultimate expression of economic individuality and independence.

This drive for economic freedom is very powerful because economic freedom allows the individual to find the mental space to discover spiritual and personal values of significance.  By design and structure, the employment firm seeks to impose an identity on individuals, but it is an identity decided by the firm, not the individual.  This command way of dealing with individuals is increasingly being rejected.

People want to define themselves.  Free political and free economic societies provide the structures within which individuals can define themselves.  Firms are under pressure to do the same and it is employment which is the great stumbling block.  Consequently, employment, although it is unlikely to die in the immediate future, is under challenge from the drive for individuality and freedom.  This is the ultimate message of this book.  Human individuality joined with freedom is an unstoppable human force.

It is for this reason that independence will inevitably herald the death of employment.

Markets in the Firm

CHAPTER 7

The real voyage of discovery consists not in seeking new lands, but in seeing with new eyes

-- Proust


UNDERSTANDING THE PROBLEM OF THE FIRM

The essential problems of the firm -- considered during most of the twentieth century as a command-and-control, employment-contract-dependent structure -- cannot be resolved.  The reason is that the problems confronting the firm are products of the very structure of the employment-controlled firm.

The firm is supposed to be a system of transaction-cost management which enables entrepreneurs to develop, produce, market and sell products and services, and thereby make a profit.  Control of the firm is theoretically delivered through the employment contract.  But the employment-based firm suffers systemically from problems of poor accountability, low transparency, and corruption by executives and underperformance by de-motivated staff.  The firm works -- but it is far from ideal.

These problems of the firm are in large measure a direct consequence of employment because, under employment, the individuality and independence of employees must be suppressed if they are to be subject to control by the employer.  Suppression of individuality de-motivates employees and creates poor accountability and low transparency.  This is enforced by law under the employment contract.

With the suppression of individuality and independence, all power in the firm flows to the executives who sit at the top.  They are thus routinely delivered the opportunity and ability to corrupt the processes of the firm to benefit themselves.  In effect, they monopolise the benefits of the firm.  This problem occurs where the controllers of the firm do not own the firm.  It is an endemic problem in firms and is well recognised as the "principal-agent" problem.  What is not recognised is that it is a direct product of, and entrenched within, the firm by its employment-dependent control structure.

The extent to which executives makes use of this opportunity to benefit themselves is ultimately determined by their individual sense of probity and goodwill.  The constraints on them from within the firm are few.  Some executives rort the firm for their personal benefit.  Most executives, however, are true to the greater needs of the firm.  But the extent to which the firm does not become corrupted by executives is not a product of the employment system of the firm but exclusively the product of the honest and trustworthy behaviour of most executives who run firms.  The system of employment control doesn't constrain corruption but constantly creates opportunities for corruption.

Within the employment construct, executives can corrupt the firm because they are at the top of the employment chain of command.  They are the delegated employer even though they are employees themselves.  Employees below them are not supposed or allowed to question the directions they are given because they are employed.  Consequently, the very people who are most able to identify and expose rorting and corruption -- namely, subordinate employees -- are not allowed or required, under the terms of the employment contract, to do anything about it.  And the problem of countering this executive opportunity to extort has become a principal but still unfinished task of corporate governance laws which, unfortunately, treat the problem in bandaid form rather than dealing with the root cause.  It is one of the great conundrums of the firm as currently conceived.

The other great problem of the employment-based firm is that employees are far too often de-motivated.  They see themselves as caught in a bureaucratic machine in which their sense of self-worth and their ambition are suppressed by the machine-like processes they must fulfil.  They are trained, cajoled, induced and goaded into accepting their position, and sometimes even convinced that they enjoy it.  This is the function of the human resource industry -- to motivate the de-motivated employee.  But why motivate?  Because de-motivation spawns individual and collective underperformance.  Again, it is the system of employment control that is the systemic cause of de-motivation.  And all the efforts of the human resource industry don't remove the problem -- they only mask it.  Simply, the firm does not belong to employees.  They are subject to the dictates of the system of the firm and, despite all the countervailing efforts of the human resource industry to create bonding to the firm, de-motivation must inevitability occur.  Human nature is such that people are not innately motivated to commit to things that they neither own nor control.

Both of these problems -- executive corruption within the firm and employee de-motivation -- are consequences of poor accountability, low transparency and bureaucratic control, and both stem from the employment contract.  The employment contract is a contract under which the employer tells an employee what to do.  The employee is required to accept those instructions and carry them out with diligence.  The control process involves a relationship of dominance by the employer over the employee.  It requires the employee to be quiet and accept an instruction whether it's right or wrong.  If an employee is concerned that the employer's instruction is wrong or even dangerous, the implied terms of the employment contract tell the employee to follow the employer's instructions regardless.  Some employees don't follow the instruction, use their judgement and question it.  This may be good.  But by doing so they are challenging the authority of the employer, and this threatens the system of control within the firm.  Most employees, however, simply accept instructions without question.  The consequence is that the very people in the firm who are best placed to keep the systems in the firm accountable and transparent -- the employees -- have implicit counter-instructions in their employment contract not to question the system.  Since this makes for systemic low levels of transparency within the firm and system-wide low levels of accountability, firms have to develop extensive processes running on top of, and parallel to, the employment contract to create transparency and accountability.  Firms are forced to do this to overcome the problems of the employment contract.  Government regulators, likewise, are forced to create countervailing regulations imposing external counter-corruption discipline on the firm because discipline fails to operate in the firm.  Transparency, accountability, employee motivation and responsible executive behaviour occur despite the employment contract, not because of it.

The conclusion is that the firm, as a command-and-control, employment-dependent structure, works but has systematic weaknesses which cause the firm to underperform when measured against the human potential contained within the firm.

Employment as a cause of these problems, however, is not a topic that is approached or discussed by business theorists, management academics, managers of firms, economists or business regulators.  Why?  Because the prevailing concept of the firm is so wedded to the necessity of the employment contract that to question the desirability of the employment contract is conceived as threatening the very existence of the firm.


FREE MARKETS PROVIDE RESOLUTION

The problem of the firm as an employment control structure runs parallel to the problem of economies as command-and-control structures.

One of the greatest lessons learned during the twentieth century is that command-and-control economies perform poorly.  Command-and-control economies cause the human capital of a nation to achieve well below its potential.  Central control of economies by governments has been shown, time and again, to cause human misery in which corruption at the level of government is endemic.  Controlled economies enable the controllers at the top of the system to rort it for their personal benefit.  These facts are well recognised.  But it took most of the twentieth century for that fact to be recognised and accepted.  Once it was realised, however, the speed with which command economies were rejected globally, and free markets embraced, provides testimony to the utter failure of command and control at a national level.

What emerged during the twentieth century was a growing recognition of the superiority of free markets and of the appropriate role of government in free-market economies.  Free-market economies are based on the recognition that humans have a natural desire to create, grow, discover and advance their personal position in life.  People strive to improve their economic well-being and their physical comfort, and to find their own sense of self-worth and identity.  Free markets cater to the physical, economic, psychological and, yes, even spiritual ambitions of humans.  Free markets recognise that humans achieve these personal objectives through millions of different and changing personal actions and interactions.  These interactions cannot be predicted, designed or determined by central planners.  And the human desire to achieve, when allowed to occur within free markets, involves complex mixtures of both individual and collective action.  It is rare for a human to achieve their ambitions in isolation.  Few humans are islands!  Humans achieve more by being communal.  But free markets, unlike command-and-control economies, do not seek to dictate the communal form.  Communal forms emerge from free markets and constantly change under free markets.  This is the trick of free markets.  They maximise both individual and communal action.

But government under free markets also recognises that people have a natural desire to exert control.  Humans will seek to maximise the benefits of their activities for themselves and to maximise the opportunity for realisation of their personal ambitions.  In seeking to maximise their personal opportunities, people are inclined to seek to stop others from having opportunity.  They fear that other people's quest for achievement can restrict their own personal opportunities.  It's a two-edged issue involving both desire for, and fear of, competition.

Under free markets, government has recognised the tension between these two human traits -- to be ambitious and communal in achieving ambition, and also to control and maximise personal benefit by denying others the opportunity to realise those benefits.  The role of government in free-market economies is to balance the tension between the two traits.  It's a delicate and difficult balance.

Governments in free market societies have a complex task.  They must set the framework in which people can achieve their goals without allowing people to exploit one another.  Government must deliver laws that allow the human entrepreneurial spirit to seek monopoly but prevent them from achieving it.  And in targeting this delicate balance, government must recognise that it has the potential to become the largest of all monopolists and the chief exploiter in a society.  Consequently, government in free-market economies has progressively confined its role to social and economic objective-setting and law-creation and enforcement, removing itself from economic service delivery.  This process is evolutionary, experimental and often poorly carried out.  But the principles are being progressively accepted.

Oddly, however, these free-market lessons of the twentieth century have not been applied to the firm.  Firms exist within free-market societies like islands of command-and-control socialism.  And within government policy settings and the academic conceptual framework of the firm, the command-and-control socialism of firms is not questioned.  Worse, the government's approach to the firm is to reinforce and support that command-and-control socialism.  It is an oddity of free-market thinking that the socialist firm is thought so necessary and that the essential link of the employment contract to the socialist firm is not considered.  This is why management concepts and government regulation are lagging behind human behaviour in firms.


A FIRM MOVE TO FREE MARKETS

As an employment construct, however, the firm has been under challenge and threat for some time.  But the threat and challenge come not primarily from the realm of ideas but from the combined behaviours of people.  In effect, command-based, socialist firms are facing internal demise and external competition.

How is the socialist firm being challenged?

The "independent employee" is the great internal threat to the employment firm.  Independent employees may accept the command system of the employment firm in which they work, but they are not happy with it and comply with it only as a means to earn an income.  And they emotionally react against it.  They may become belligerent, aggressive, frustrated or benignly compliant.  In extreme cases, they may become whistleblowers if they see wrong in the firm, and as a result they usually suffer exclusion from the firm and usually have their honesty and integrity impugned when the command-based firm seeks to protect itself.  Witness Corinne Maier of France! (2)  Occasionally the firm invites independent employees to be independent, accommodates them, sometimes even encourages them, because to do so assists accountability and improves the firm's performance.  Some of the great inspirational management performance gurus of the latter part of the twentieth century in effect appealed directly to the potential to the firm offered by the independent employee.

But, by whatever means, the independent employee is inevitably breaking down the command-and-control employment structure of the firm.

The external threat to the command-based firm comes from firms that have internal markets.  The new type of firm adopts the free-market model, even if it is not done consciously.  Like most things in human evolution, the non-command-based firm has developed through minute experimentation, with things that work being adopted, and things that seemed to fail rejected.

The process has been comparatively slow but is evident -- although it has not been recognised academically or theoretically. (3)  But the emergence of this new firm is unmistakable.  And it's an exciting development.  The firm that incorporates internal markets is not dependent on command and control.  Even if the language of the employment contract is applied, the principles and operation of the commercial contract direct the internal processes of the firm.  Where this occurs -- that is, where "markets in the firm" exist -- it spells the death of the socialist firm.

And it is not something that is brand new, unfamiliar or strange.  In fact, it is surprisingly familiar. (4)

Alfred P. Sloan was the leader of General Motors of the USA in the days when GM was at its zenith.  Sloan guided GM during the 1940s and beyond, so that GM became the greatest industrial giant of the greatest industrial economy in the world.  Sloan had a vision of how GM should operate.  This vision carried and guided GM long after Sloan's departure.  Generally, it is believed that Sloan was the greatest of command-and-control dictators who constructed systems through GM that perfected command and control.  Sloan decentralised GM's operations into discrete business units.  However, the decentralised businesses operated under a command-and-control regime.  Or so it has generally been considered!  According to one commentator, although Sloan wanted GM to be "decentralised" "... he also wanted to run it on 'a principle of coordination' -- the principle it turned out, of central command and control." (5)

But the words of Sloan himself suggest that his model was different from the current command-and-control model.  Sloan said, "The most important thing I have learned about management is to make men think and act with individual zeal and initiative, yet cooperating with each other". (6)  Near the end of his career, Sloan explained in a speech how GM actually operated under his guidance.  He said:

We have never consolidated the various units of personnel ... They have been left free to develop their own initiative so that they feel that it is theirs ... In one type of organisation policies and methods are determined at the top and orders are issued down.  The other type of management comes from the bottom up and arouses individual initiative.  We choose the coordinated type, the one which would apply even to small businesses ... We do not issue orders.  I have never issued an order since I have been the operating head of this corporation ... Two hundred and forty-seven men in one group have each day's pay determined by the number of finished motors that pass the last man in the group ... We put no limit on earnings and the men put no limit on production ... Where do policies come from, if they are to be useful in the business?  Out of the business itself ... They must come from the men who are in daily contact with the problems ... Our policies come from the bottom.  Everything possible in the organisation comes from the bottom. (1)

According to Sloan himself, his successful management concepts were opportunity and motivation.  Motivation was achieved by introducing incentive compensation schemes based on production and cost reduction.  This does not sound like an employment-based command-and-control company, but rather one in which the production line workers at least were treated as if they were their own business people who determined production and directly benefited financially from the production they controlled.  This looks very much like a basic form of markets operating inside a firm.  And if this is what Sloan had applied inside GM, it may be that, after he departed, the coordinating systems he layered through the firm were turned by others into command and control.  Whatever happened, GM, along with the other USA car manufacturing giants, became disconnected from the market place and suffered dramatic decline when challenged by the Japanese manufacturers during the 1960s-1980s.

GM has struggled ever since.  Based on his description, Sloan's model seemed to be close to the "markets in the firm" concept, even if it was not recognised at the time or maintained after his departure.

What appeared to occur in the car manufacturing sector after the Second World War was that the USA command-based giants became progressively less competitive.  But at the same time new business models emerged that took market principles directly into their internal operations.  One of the most common of these was the direct selling industry -- modelled along similar lines with many well-recognised brand names.  One of the most recognisable is probably Amway.

Amway was formed in the USA in 1959.  By 2003 it was valued at around $4.6 billion and was operating in 91 countries with annual global sales of some $US1.2 billion.  Amway sells its own brand of household consumable products, including laundry products, vitamins and cosmetics. (7)  But these products are not found in any retail stores.  Amway is sold by tens of thousands of individuals who operate as independent contractors, usually from their own homes.  It is a globally organised, home-based small business organisation in which every Amway distributor receives income based on his or her sales.  Amway distributors are, in every sense, self-employed independent contractors operating under commercial contract arrangements with Amway.  The independent distributors have to deduct their own operating expenses before arriving at a profit.  Their status as independent contractors has been tested in courts in many jurisdictions and found to be self-employment.  Tax offices internationally now accept the self-employed, small business status of direct selling.  Amway is a prime and obvious example of a firm which uses the principles of free markets in its internal structures.  The entire, direct selling, global industry with thousands of businesses and many thousands of brands is organised in this way.

Franchising is another example of markets operating in firms.

Ray Kroc was the genius who created the McDonald's empire. (8)  In 1954, at around the age of 53, Kroc was a successful salesman who sold commercial food preparation machinery to hamburger and fast-food outlets throughout the USA.  Kroc could have retired, but he came across two brothers, the McDonalds, who ran their hamburger store with military precision like no other Kroc had seen.  They sold a better hamburger cheaper and faster than any other.  Kroc took the McDonald's operating systems and replicated them, store by store, across North America by developing and applying the modern form of franchising.  Eventually this turned McDonald's into the global giant it is today.

The heartbeat of McDonald's is the conglomeration of small businesses operating within the coordinated McDonald's system.  This system is franchising, which has been replicated worldwide in thousands of different retail markets unrelated to McDonald's.  The core concept of retail franchising is that small business retailers who own and operate their own businesses are close to and understand the customer.  They have a passion for, commitment to, and focus on their businesses that cannot be replicated in large command-and-control structures.  Retail franchising allows small business persons to operate businesses, but it gives them a successful operating system with which they choose to comply.  This is similar to the Amway system.  In the case of food, the franchising operating systems will include recipes and products, standardised machinery, hygiene and safety systems, and layer these with bulk-buying power, marketing, training, advertising and so on.  Franchising combines the advantages of large corporate operating systems with the advantages of small business commitment.  And the real key to understanding this is that the control systems in the firm are dominated by commercial contracts, not employment contracts.

McDonald's franchisees enter a commercial contract with McDonald's.  The terms of the contract set out rigorous obligations to comply with the McDonald's' operating systems.  But before being granted a franchise, a potential franchisee undergoes extensive training in the systems.  This training includes considerable unpaid time working in McDonald's stores and unpaid time at one of several McDonald's hamburger universities located across the globe. (9)  Only after extensive training at their own expense do potential franchisees have the opportunity to purchase a McDonald's franchise.  The contract between McDonald's and the franchisee is clearly a commercial contract in which the franchisee is fully aware of the contract terms and enters the contract of his or her own free will.  The franchise contract is the contract that governs the relationship between the McDonald's company and the franchisee.  Even though McDonald's is a hamburger and food retail company, its core business is that of a franchiser that designs, organises and runs the systems that enable its specific food-retailing operation to function.  Layered commercial contracts are used to direct the system.

McDonald's as a corporation (as distinct from the franchisees) owns the properties and buildings in which the stores operate, and they charge the franchisees rent.  McDonald's corporation is one of the largest landholders in the USA and its share price is underpinned by its land holdings.  McDonald's works with manufacturers to design and supply the specialised cooking machinery and leases the machinery to the franchisees.  McDonald's works with external food and packaging suppliers who manufacture and supply meat, fries, buns, wrapping and so on.  McDonald's doesn't ordinarily manufacture these things itself but has the tasks done to its specification by external providers.  All this is governed and controlled by commercial contracts.  The core business of McDonald's, as distinct from its franchisees, is not the selling of hamburgers.  The franchisees sell hamburgers and McDonald's organises all the commercial contracts that enable the franchisees to sell.

The McDonald's form of the franchise system is now common and used widely in a large number of varied retail businesses worldwide that have nothing to do with McDonald's.  It is a principal model of "markets in the firm".

Compare franchising with the traditional command-and-control retail department store business.  Retailers' large stores are divided into departments along product category lines.  Employed department heads manage each department.  The department heads are paid wages.  They work under all the elements of control that go with being employed.  Head buyers do the buying for the multiple departments spread around the many stores that the conglomerate may own.  Sales people, also employed, work on the shop floor under employment control through their department managers.  The entire ship is steered from the top, with entrepreneurial direction the preserve of an elite of executives.  It's an employment-based command-and-control structure.  The system works.  It has been hugely successful.  But it is under stress.  During the latter part of the twentieth century, the command-and-control department stores, worldwide, ran into trouble.  Profitability plummeted and many collapsed.  These traditional retail conglomerates are like huge ships which, when they get into trouble, can be painfully slow to change direction.  And they usually seek to change by bringing in new chiefs who take helm of these ships and try to steer them in different directions.  But their entrepreneurial flair is too narrowly constrained by an elite of executives who sit at the top of the employment chain.

Compare this with the internally franchised department store structure which has taken its lead from McDonald's franchising.  In Australia, for example, the successful retail conglomerate Harvey Norman has taken important and profitable market share from Australian command-and-control retail giant Coles Myer.  Both Harvey Norman and Coles Myer retail white goods, bedding, furniture, electronic and computer equipment, and so on. (10)

The trick with Harvey Norman is that it has taken the franchise model and applied it to each department within its stores.  Every product department is a privately-owned small business that utilises bulk buying and marketing advantages available through the Harvey Norman banner and organisation.  In the computer section of a Harvey Norman store, its small business owner will be on the shop floor watching, coordinating and serving.  This small business structure, coordinated through Harvey Norman's franchise rules, keeps Harvey Norman intimately alert to the fickle and changing demands of consumers.  Coles Myer, for example, cannot bring its employee staff to the same level of self-motivation that Harvey Norman can systematically achieve with its shop floor, small business entrepreneurs.  And it's this fine and delicate level of contact with the customer that makes a critical difference in the retail sector.

Consumers are unpredictable, fickle, and have little loyalty.  What clinches the profitable sale in retail is that little extra care and attention that is shown to the customer on the shop floor.  Employees can and do show that extra care but the problem for the retail firm is how to systematically spread it throughout the entire business.  As a system, the self-employed, small business model will always out-motivate the employment control system.  Systematically nurtured self-employment releases entrepreneurial flair and drive throughout a firm, not just at its top, as is the case with the employment-controlled firm.  And in retailing, this makes the difference between those firms that really succeed and those that merely plod along.

In retailing, the consumer is the factor that creates the cut-throat competitive environment of the marketplace.  The consumer is the free market, and retail businesses that aim to succeed have to connect seamlessly with the free market.  Where the structure of the business is market-orientated, the business is more likely to repeatedly connect with its target markets than if it is based on command and control.

But the franchise system of retailing does not guarantee success.  Command-and-control employment retail firms can and do succeed.  Command-and-control firms can and do layer human resource and marketing systems on top of the employment contract and achieve high motivation and profit.  A marketing genius at the head of a command-and-control retail firm can produce stunning results.

Franchise retail firms do collapse.  If a franchise firm is not good at managing the commercial arrangements with its suppliers and franchises, it may fail.  Its products, positioning in the market place, and so on may be poor.  But further, managing a firm through the use of commercial contracts demands higher levels of managerial skill than do employment contracts.  With employment contracts the manager's word is law.  With commercial contracts, the manager's word is subject to the terms of the commercial contract, and the franchisees and others can, should, and do question the wisdom, authority, and wants of the contract managers.

This is where franchising opens the firm to high levels of transparency and accountability on a daily basis.  No one is master.  Egos based on hierarchy collapse.  Everyone is equal.  Everyone in the firm has a client relationship with everyone else.  Everyone is a consumer to everyone else.  Under this structure, it's hard to rort or corrupt the system because everyone is watching everyone else.  If an executive seeks to rort the system for personal gain, it is often at the expense of someone else with whom he or she has direct dealings.  Rorting in the franchise system becomes more difficult than under command and control.

Both systems -- employment contract control and commercial contract control -- enable firms to function.  But the questions are:  which system is likely to continue to work and which system gives greater chance of success?  If the macro experience of managing national economies is any guide, and if the experience of franchising in retail is any guide, then "markets in the firm" is likely to systematically out-compete the command-and-control socialist firm.

But franchising is just one model of markets in the firm and it is not completely structured around the commercial contract.  Retail franchising generally still makes use of the employment contract on the shop floor where the franchisee is the employer.  The relationship between each retail franchisee and the people who work in the small business operations is normally still dominated by the employment contract.

The next model of markets in the firm involves replacing the employment contract in its entirety with the commercial contract throughout the firm.  The terminology for this varies across countries and industry sectors, but is most comfortably embraced by the term "independent contracting".  Sometimes it is called freelancing, self-employment, or consulting;  but whatever the terminology, there is one key and necessary feature:  the legal relationship between the individual and the firm is a commercial contract.

This means that the master-and-servant relationship created via the employment contract does not exist.  When this occurs, markets can take full hold within the firm.  Once again, this development has become surprisingly familiar in the latter part of the twentieth century, although government regulators and many businesses have not altered their terminology and generally still use the term "employment" to describe it.

In North America, it is common to have to tip waiters, bellhops, and other people working in the hospitality and related industries.  It is standard practice that the wages paid to these professionals by their "employers" are comparatively low.  Tips constitute a significant and important part of their income.  Tips are frequently included as a certain percentage of a restaurant bill, but additional tipping is normal and frequently expected.  Tips reflect the value the customer puts on the service delivered personally by a waiter at a restaurant.  The waiter may work in the restaurant as an "employee", but a significant part of the "payment for service" relationship inside the restaurant is directly between the waiter and the customer.

What does this say for master-servant employment, even if government might use the term "employee" as a statistical description of the waiter, and the restaurant refers to the waiter as an "employee"?  In fact, when tipping arrangements are in place, the waiter almost has an implied commercial contract with the customer, the payment for which is at the discretion of the customer.  It's close to being a commercial contract but is without the prior agreement of payment.  But it's certainly not an employment contract.  The waiter has a contract with the restaurant, probably an employment contract, and many of the features of the contract may reflect employment.  But certainly the tipping regime breaks down the legalities of the employment contract by allowing elements of independent contracting to flourish.

In addition, in North America well-positioned jobs as waiter, bellhop, concierge, and so on have a resale value and can be bought and sold for substantial amounts of money involving goodwill.  Such jobs therefore look very much like independent contracting or self-employment.  These people are running their own small business which has an accumulated potential, if not actual, goodwill.

The housing construction sector in Australia is almost exclusively structured around independent contracting.  Bricklayers, plasterers, plumbers, carpenters, labourers and other tradespeople associated with the housing construction sector are predominately independent contractors.  Few people who work in the housing sector are employees.  The companies that build houses use designers, surveyors, supervisors, sales staff and so on who are also predominately independent contractors.  The building companies do not actually build houses but coordinate and organise the contracts and people necessary for construction and delivery of end product to the purchaser of the house.

Herein lies the challenge to the idea of the firm as a transaction-cost minimisation process.  The employment control concept of the firm holds that firms exist because, if every small aspect of an economy were organised through commercial contracts, the cost of organising and managing the contracts would be so great as to suppress the level of economic activity;  as a result, firms evolve in which the employer controls transaction costs by means of employment contracts.  It is argued that employment contracts avoid the transaction costs associated with commercial contracts.  This concept of the firm was explained by Coase in the 1930s and is still generally accepted, at least by academic economists. (11)  Coase was not wrong on his transaction-cost management theory, but was wrong to assume that transaction cost containment by the firm is dependent on the employment contract.

Employment contracts, certainly in the second half of the twentieth century, have generated significant transaction costs of their own, to the point where employment has ceased to provide any transaction-cost advantage.  The case of the Australian housing industry proves that firms exist by managing transaction costs, but can do so by way of either commercial contracts or employment contracts.

The idea that the firm is dependent on the employment contract for its existence is not valid.  Control through employment is just one of several models for the structure of a firm.

The information technology sector is another which operates "markets in the firm" based on commercial contracts.  Most information technology specialists are, in one form or another, independent contractors.  The term "employee" is often used, but this is principally to satisfy outdated government regulation requirements.

The information technology sector is characterised by the management of multiple cascading job contracts, which may vary in length from a day to several years.  Commercial contracts apply both within and between IT firms.  A large company, for example, needs an IT job done.  It issues tenders.  A large IT company picks up the tender, and then several things happen.  The company may have staff who work internally, normally under commercial type contracts or even as employees.  The IT project is split into many components and the people working within the firm may bid for aspects of the job.  Groups or teams of different sizes form around particular aspects of the project.  Team leaders or coordinators emerge;  positions are not necessarily organised around any formal hierarchy.  A person may be a team leader of a project one day and work the next day on a project to which he or she is a minor contributor.  Teams bid for and seek specific people for specific jobs.  Remuneration is largely set according to the laws of demand and supply, and may vary from job to job.  Work on the project may also be offered to outside suppliers, which may be individuals or small, medium or large companies.  Who is competing with whom becomes blurred.  In letting work to outsiders, the IT company regularly uses the services of labour hire companies specialising in the IT sector.  Individuals who work for themselves are regularly registered with several IT labour hire companies.  They may even do part of a job through one labour hire company and another part directly for the IT firm.  Some IT labour hire companies provide wide-ranging services to the IT specialists on their books, such as taxation deduction procedures, organising insurance and superannuation, preparing taxation returns, leasing vehicles, and so on.

To an outsider, the labour hire firm may look like an employer, but it doesn't control any of the work.  All that the labour hire firm does is manage the contracts.  In the IT sector, the differences in the internal structures of the large IT companies and the relationships between external operators are blurred.  The entire industry is a massive mix of cascading contracts in which the external observer has difficulty seeing order and pattern.  But to the inside players it's perfectly ordered and logical.  Each person knows where he or she is in the mix, and actively markets his or her talents and abilities as an individual business.  The IT industry is very much a free market for labour that works both across and between businesses, and internally within businesses.  The structure and operations of the industry closely parallel those of a stock exchange or network of stock exchanges in which commercial contracts are at play for peoples' services.

In Chapter Two the words of the sheep shearers in Queensland demonstrated the attitudes of independence and business-mindedness that come with being an independent contractor.  The Queensland shearers also happened to work under labour hire arrangements which closely resemble those of the IT sector.  Traditional labour hire involves the on-hiring of employees of the labour hire company.  But in Australia a particular form of labour hire emerged in the early 1990s as a result of several court decisions.  In this "Odco" (12) labour hire form of work engagement, the people supplied are independent contractors in both a legal and a practical sense. (13)  Operating in a similar way to the IT sector, Odco labour hire companies place independent contractors into a variety of jobs, including in health care, teaching, manufacturing, and many others occupations.  It's a major business in Australia.

The essence of Odco labour hire is that the Odco agency does nothing other than manage contract transactions.  Odco agencies are firms in their own right.  The workers they supply to clients are self-employed people (businesses) in their own right.  The agencies supply self-employed workers to other businesses that need the services.  Everyone is a client to everyone else.  Several layers of firms are in operation and connected, but no employment exists.  Transactions costs are managed to the satisfaction of all parties concerned through the Odco agencies.  It is another form of markets operating in firms.


KOCH INDUSTRIES

Perhaps the most startling of all examples of "markets in the firm" is Koch Industries, headquartered in Wichita, Kansas, USA. (14)  Koch is unique because not only is it structured around "markets in the firm" principles but it has adopted them consciously.  Koch is possibly the only firm in the world that has thought deeply about what free markets are and deliberately sought to replicate the operations of free markets in its internal structures and published information on its approach.  Koch Industries has developed a unique, patented management system called Market Based Management (MBM).  It funds a unit at George Mason University to study, develop, promote and train people in Market Based Management.  Its managers are inculcated in, and operate around, Market Based Management.

Koch is an impressive firm.  It is a privately held company that does not release any of its financial statements or data to the public, but was cited in 2000 by Forbes magazine (15) as having annual sales of $US35 billion.  The firm began in 1940, and between 1961 and 2002 the value of Koch Industries grew by 1,300 times.  By comparison, the average value of the Standards and Poor's top 500 companies grew in the same period by 95 times. (16)  By 1996, Koch Industries was the second-largest privately held company in America and currently rates as one of the largest American companies.  Rather than one business, it's a conglomerate of businesses.  It operates globally in commodity trading, petroleum shipment, asphalt production, natural gas, gas liquids, chemical, plastics, fibres production, chemical technology equipment manufacturing, minerals, fertilisers, ranching, securities and finances, and holds numerous other varied investments.  It's big!  It's different!

Being as big as it is, Koch Industries has attracted its fair share of media attention, but surprisingly little attention has been paid to its market-based management approach.  This is in spite of Koch's Chairman, Charles Koch, stating in 1993:  "We are convinced that Koch Industries' success stems primarily from our management philosophy, which we call 'market-based management' ... Command-based societies have found themselves unable to survive when faced with market-based alternatives, and command-based companies will suffer the same fate when confronted with market based competitors". (17)  Koch Industries believes that its utilisation of markets in its firm gives it a critical competitive advantage.

Koch Industries says:  MBM "Requires managers to understand the major features of a market economy, then adapt these features as needed to improve management practice". (18)

The structure of Koch industries is best described as a series of internal markets where units sell their services internally to one another and externally.  The management structure relies on internal markets to allocate internal resources.  So-called support groups or profit centres are expected to survive in the internal Koch market by offering services competitively to other such centres.  With internal markets, for example, a machinery maintenance depot seeks to service manufacturing sectors in the firm.  The manufacturing sectors are not obliged to use the internal maintenance group, which has to win its business in competition with other service providers from both inside and outside Koch Industries.  In a further application of market principles, the pay of individual workers in the maintenance group is linked to their commercial success.  Similar internal competitive markets can be applied to other activities within the firm, such as accounts, debt control, marketing, training, recruitment, design and planning.  For internal markets to work, no profit centre must be allowed any exclusive right to deal with any other profit centre:  that is, internal monopolies cannot develop.

Koch Industries says:  "The knowledge needed for sensible business decisions is inherently dispersed among many people". (19)

In these internal markets, the principles of commercial contract transactions between the units drive the relationships between the units.  Koch Industries doesn't divulge everything about MBM or its internal structures, so it's not known how Koch Industries actually constructs or manages the internal contracts, but the principles of MBM certainly could not be applied without substantial freedom to contract.  Bureaucratic employment contract, command-and-control systems would not be consistent with relationships between the internal units under MBM.

Certainly, employment contracts may apply within each Koch unit, but given that individual remuneration is significantly tied to the profitability of each unit, the financial motivations for each unit would take on many of the features of small business.  That is, the people working in each unit would be fully appraised of the profitability of their individual unit and know that profitability affects their personal income.  This close connection between each unit's profitability and the personal incomes of its individual members creates a focus and motivation that cannot be replicated in a command bureaucracy.  In effect, the internal price mechanisms resulting from this structure send signals constantly through Koch Industries which focus and drive the behaviour both of the units and of individuals.

Under these arrangements, bureaucratic management, rules and regulations are replaced by market performance, price and behavioural signals.  "Management" doesn't have to "order" anyone to do anything, because everyone in the firm becomes a self-manager.  Class structure is replaced by performance structure.  Performance is not determined by bureaucratic rules but by success in the internal market.  Competition exists both within and between the internal units.  But so, too, do cooperation and community.

Koch industries says:  "Markets are a complex blend of competition and cooperation.  Likewise, a market-based firm should promote cooperation while channeling competition into activities that actually promote the common mission". (20)

Even though people working in each unit have their incomes tied in part to the success of the unit and need to work as teams, they compete with each other for jobs, position and decision-making authority.  This is to be expected because this is the normal way people behave.  But because individual success is tied to the success of the unit, people also find that they need to cooperate.  They have to create their own community to achieve group success.  But this community and cooperation doesn't have to be created artificially through set company rules or processes or demands from superiors.  People in free markets naturally find their own processes of cooperation and internal community.  If they don't, the risk is that their unit will not succeed and not be profitable.  Individual failure to cooperate is not masked by an employment bureaucracy, but is exposed by the failure or limited success of the unit in the internal Koch Industries market.

Koch Industries says:  "The goal is to understand the crucial functions played by private property in a market economy, and then allocate rights and responsibilities in ways that harness independent judgement, provide continuous feedback and capitalise the future impact of current decisions". (21)

Presumably, within Koch Industries, MBM implies that failing units are allowed to fail.  If not, MBM would not truly be an internal market process.  But, just as in external free markets, a community still needs services, even if a particular service provider fails.  It appears that Koch Industries allows different units to compete for the same internal services;  and if one unit fails, another already exists that fills the potential service vacuum.  But in any community, people become reliant on a service and don't want failure.  So it would be expected in Koch Industries that if a unit is servicing other units badly, signals are quickly sent to the underperforming unit to lift its game.  These signals will be price, purchasing decisions and, most significantly, direct discussions between people.

While this occurs, the ebb and flow of success and failure, which is a normal part of free markets, operates within Koch Industries.  But, importantly, market signals limit the extent to which the failings of any unit can grow to the point where they infect other units and thus risk creating creeping and endemic structural failure within Koch Industries.

By contrast, bureaucratic command-and-control firms systematically mask failure, and so failure in one section of the firm can grow and infect other sections of the firm to the point where, all too late, the resultant collapse can be huge and life-threatening to the firm.  With internal markets, failure is not masked but exposed.  Hence failure, which always begins in a small way, is more likely to be discovered while it is still small-scale.

Failure is a natural and a necessary precursor to success.  Failure is an essential ingredient of free markets.  Free markets treat failure benignly and as "water under the bridge".  Tomorrow is another day, when success is always possible.  Free markets detect failure early on, allow it to occur while it is small, then do something about it and thus prevent it from growing.  In this way, success grows by treating failure as normal.  Koch Industries has consciously sought to allow this process to occur naturally inside its firm.

Koch Industries has sought to take these elements of free market operations, understand them and apply them in much the same way as they occur in free markets.  No one directs behaviour, but the system of free markets enables human behaviour to lean toward success.

According to Koch Industries, internal markets can have a profound effect on productivity.  It claims that introducing the price mechanism to the internal workings of the organisation encourages staff to think and act like smart purchasers.  When each unit is allowed to operate independently as a small business, relationships between units take on the features of relationships between firms in supply chains.  And supply chains are about people making purchasing decisions.  But it would be a mistake to view purchasing decisions as price-oriented.  In fact, price is only one factor.  More critical to purchasing decisions in supply chains is cooperation.

One of the earliest developed secrets of the success of McDonald's, for example, was the realisation that its suppliers had to make a profit.  McDonald's needs products supplied at cut-throat prices. (22)  But McDonald's operates on the view that in order to achieve low purchase prices for its supplies it needs to cooperate with its suppliers to achieve required quality and delivery capability.  The art lies in identifying preferred suppliers with whom relationships can be developed to achieve these ends.  Alternative sources of supply may be available and the buyer may shop around for alternatives to lower the price.  But there is always a price in any market below which lower prices will always result in an inferior delivered product.  McDonald's knows this and works with suppliers to get the lower price, but with the required quality.  This is an unceasing and delicate balancing act involving technical knowledge of production issues, supply chain issues, money and human relationships.  Importantly, if the supplier is not making money, its long-term viability is uncertain, thus placing the stability of the buyer at risk.  The interdependence between suppliers and the purchaser is strong.

Koch Industries says:  "Accountability must extend to the level of the individual.  A person or team is free to utilise local knowledge, make judgements and bear the consequences.  Assigning a kind of ownership for every activity, action and result". (23)

The trick of being a smart purchaser in Koch Industries is to combine all these factors so as to make correct and sustainable buying decisions.  In Koch Industries, MBM seeks to encourage staff to think and act like smart buyers.  This involves all the processes of service delivery within each unit and between units.  It's not a competitive price-driven process, but involves many factors, in particular to do with quality.

Koch Industries says:  "This authority system applies both to internal resource allocation and external purchase decisions, and it has allowed Koch to abolish centrally approved budgets.  In place of command and control budgeting, Koch tries to approximate the market's allocation through profit and losses"). (24)

Take one simple example.  The story goes that Koch Industries decided to implement MBM with a head office department that produced company reports.  Before MBM, the office operated under a budget and diligently produced reports that were supplied to units across Koch Industries.  When MBM was applied, the units suddenly became customers of the office.  The units were free to choose to buy the reports.  Predictably, after the change, the office soon discovered that many units chose not to buy the reports, and it lost revenue.  This prompted the office to try to discover what sort of reports the units wanted:  what format, how often, at what price, and so on.  In effect, the office undertook market research of its potential customers.  The office then redesigned its entire approach to reporting and consequently increased the sales of its products.  This simple story demonstrates many of the elements of free markets operating inside the firm.

This process is standard within Koch Industries.  Units market-research each other through formal and informal processes, always investigating whether they are satisfying their internal customers.  The internal culture of Koch Industries is targeted to being one of intense client focus.  That is, everyone in Koch Industries needs to view everyone else in the firm as a client.  And this focus is not directed from the centre or confined to specialists within the firm;  rather, it's a daily necessity.  This presumably means that, when Koch Industries deals with external clients, client focus is natural and immediate.  This surely would result in higher-quality external client interface than occurs with command-and-control firms.  In command-and-control firms, relationships with external customers have to be different from those within the firm.

Koch Industries says:  "MBM does not mean a mindless copying of external market practices inside the firm ... It does not mean merely turning everyone in the firm loose to do whatever they think will make money". (25)

Koch Industries makes it clear that market-based approaches to the internal structures and operations of the firm are difficult to implement and cannot always be applied.  Safety is one such area.  Koch Industries operates a wide range of highly technical production plants involving hazardous and dangerous substances.  Environmental safety is a constant obsession with Koch, which claims that MBM does not necessarily work in this area.  Presumably, Koch Industries has a number of health and safety manuals that dictate operating instructions.  But this does not necessarily detract from the internal market principles.  Free markets are an approach to systems of human behaviour and interaction that allows people to maximise their individual choices.  But free markets and human choice cannot defy the physical laws of the universe.  It is perfectly consistent for free markets to regulate according to the known or believed physical realities but to allow individual choice within those constraints.  So Koch Industries has to be cautious about where and when MBM can be applied.  Choice is sometimes limited, just as is the speed at which we are allowed to drive our cars.

Further, Koch Industries operates in law-based societies and its systems must comply with the law.  As has been discussed in this book, many laws assume that firms are employment-based, command-and-control bureaucracies.  By default, those laws sometimes almost impose employment-based command and control.  No firm, including Koch Industries, can afford to act in defiance of the law.  Indeed, to do so would not be consistent with a "markets in the firm" approach in a market economy.  And because Koch Industries operates in many different countries, it would encounter wide international variations in the extent to which employment regulation allowed or inhibited MBM.  In the USA, for example, employment regulation is minimal by comparison with Germany, Italy, France and other European nations.  It is speculation, but presumably Koch Industries would find MBM easier to apply in some countries than in others, which may have an influence in investment decisions.

Koch Industries says:  "But it would be a mistake to view market-based management as always requiring more decentralised decision making ... misplaced authority can be just as disastrous for an organisation as having top management make all decisions". (26)

Free markets economies are not unregulated;  indeed, they are highly regulated.  But one main purpose of regulation is to ensure that the free market can operate and is not corrupted.  For example, free market economies have significant laws that seek to prevent monopolies forming.  In the USA, "Combines" legislation gives central corporate regulators power to investigate monopoly activity and force the break-up of companies that have become excessively large and dominant.  USA regulators have done this on several occasions in the past, and subjected Microsoft to Combines investigation during the 1990s.  Eventually Microsoft reached agreement with the regulators to modify certain behaviours to ensure that the USA IT industry remained competitive.  Microsoft was not as a consequence broken up in the USA. (27)

Likewise, Koch Industries indicates that there are times when the centre must impose authority.  But, as with free market regulation, it is assumed that such central intervention would be to ensure that the principles of MBM were being applied in practice.  The Koch Industries' centre would have the same interest as government corporate regulators, that is, to ensure the integrity of (internal) free markets.  And like corporate regulators, when to intervene and when to step back can be a fine judgement call.  Further, Koch Industries would obviously need to intervene if an internal unit broke or risked breaking national laws.  Once again, the judgement of when to allow units to freely operate and when to impose central authority would be difficult.  But the difficulty for Koch Industries would be parallel to the difficulty faced by governments committed to free markets.

Koch Industries says:  "The systems a company uses to generate new ideas and select those that will be tried should be designed to avoid as many command-based shortcomings as possible". (28)

In any society, the difference between success and failure, wealth and poverty, progress and regression is often the extent to which the society allows its members to be creative.

Creativity is not a rare or limited human quality.  In fact, creativity is mostly found in the millions of little ways that we all find every day to do things a little better.  Creativity is the individualised human "x" factor that free markets release.  Creativity is suppressed under command and control and released under free markets.

By exposing everyone to competitive pressures, the "markets in the firm" approach produces results by preventing the destructive and negative game-playing that can poison a company.  But more importantly it allows human economic creativity to flourish.  On this level, the approach of Koch Industries is even more interesting.  For Koch Industries, internal free markets are not just about structures, transactions and money;  they are also about how people choose to relate to one another and treat one another.  And it's through this interpersonal conduct that creativity is allowed or prevented.

Creativity is a dominant human attribute.  In command-and-control economies, creativity is crushed.  This is why those economies are stagnant.  Creativity is not something that can be "created" or "motivated".  It is not the preserve of elites.  It is not confined to the arts or to any single activity, but it probably emerges in one of its most common forms in business activity.  The act of supplying a good or service demands high levels of creativity involving thousands of integrated actions to achieve a result.  In business, the creativity of every person working in the firm is essential to success.

Creativity is not a human attribute that can be predicted or detected before it emerges.  It will appear, however, only if given the freedom to appear.  It cannot be demanded.  When it emerges, it often surprises the individuals or groups from whom it emerges.  It is the unquantifiable potential of the human spirit.  We do not know how to cause it to emerge, but we do know how to crush it.  Command and control is the crushing process.  Command and control suggests that creativity is the preserve of those who do the commanding and controlling.

By not seeking to command and control, Koch Industries has consciously sought to provide the environment in which creativity can emerge.  And when it does, they let it flourish and grow.  This it does in practical ways through the market design of its systems rather than through management control.

The fact that individual Koch Industries units can grow according to their success and that individuals within units can be remunerated according to the success of units is the primary foundation from which creativity can emerge.  This replicates the small business unit in the external environment.  But it seems that Koch Industries seeks to harness creativity in very real additional ways.

Koch Industries has an investment unit, advertised on its Website, with an open invitation to anyone with an idea to present it to the unit.  Once again, Koch Industries doesn't divulge much about the operations of its investment unit, but some things can be surmised.

Applications to the investment unit come from within Koch and also from outsiders.  The indication is that numerous applications are made to the investment unit each year, which the unit analyses in detail.  For those proposals that fit Koch Industries' business plans, an investment is made in such a way that the new business becomes part of Koch Industries itself.  This should be comparatively easy for Koch Industries to do because its internal markets are like external markets.  Good ideas or developments that have the potential to compete with Koch Industries are nurtured, developed, encouraged and become part of Koch Industries.  Potential competitors become allies -- but within an internal free-market framework.

In this way, Koch Industries is able to embrace new ideas, to be at the leading edge of developments, and to continue to grow.  The key to this form of organic growth is that the people who have developed the new idea find it advantageous to work within Koch Industries rather than to compete against it.  Koch Industries grows, but it is not a Big Brother.  Its internal free markets allow individuals to be self-fulfilling entrepreneurs within a supporting framework.  It won't always succeed.  It won't be perfect.  The process must be combined with astute business decision-making.  But internal free markets supply a structure in which business creativity has higher chance of success than in command and control.

Koch Industries says:  "The size and complexity of resource allocation decisions within the firm sometimes rival the size and complexity of decisions in the external marketplace ... An attempt to create internal markets without profit centers and carefully defined roles and responsibilities will create chaos". (29)

None of this, however, is to suggest that "markets in the firm" creates some new business or social nirvana.  It doesn't.  It's difficult and "markets in the firm" is better only than the alternatives.  Command and control functions on the pretence that perfection in organisational structures can discipline people into a smooth operation.  But this denies the reality and vagaries of human nature.  Free markets do no more than recognise the oddities and imperfections of human nature and allow humans to decide what they want to do -- but this is done within a structure.  This does not create or deliver a perfect society or a perfect firm.  Rather, it allows the imperfections of humans to become glaringly obvious.  But it also allows the better sides of human nature to emerge.

The structures that enable free markets to operate are more complex than command and control, because they must be created and applied without control.  It's a high-order social task.  And, like free markets, "markets in the firm" is not chaos.  It's structured.  And it's demanding and difficult to achieve.  Koch Industries insists that its MBM system is an imperfect journey.  MBM is not applied to every aspect of its business.  It does not assure Koch of success.  But it is its preferred structure.  And one of the elements of its structure is the way internal markets require specific forms of interpersonal human behaviour.

In this context, an important contribution that Koch Industries has made to the understanding of free markets is to explore the interpersonal relationships that are necessary for a free market to work.  Its training manuals place a heavy emphasis on interpersonal skills.  To succeed at Koch Industries, it appears, a person needs to behave in a particular way.  Inappropriate behaviour would tear its internal markets apart.

It appears that, at Koch Industries, anyone who is brutish, arrogant, rude, pushy or a bully is unlikely to survive.  Koch Industries' training manual explains the behaviours and understandings that it believes people need in its MBM approach.  Koch Industries' manual (Models Collection) devotes much space to discussing the operations of markets in both a theoretical and a practical way.  It discusses markets in a way that relates to everyday life, talking about the processes and events that occur in the servicing of one's motor car, for example.  It asks the reader to consider the interaction between the garage and the client.  If the business is well run, relations between customer and supplier are highly courteous.  This does not mean that people need to assume a bland persona to work under MBM.  People's personalities are very much part of the relationship.  But Koch Industries says that there are identifiable ways of behaving in interpersonal relationships that enable free markets to operate.  They involve, among other things, passion, humility, intellectual honesty, integrity, desire to learn, long-term perspective, respect for self and others, courage and initiative.  The manual looks at customer understanding, value-creation processes, vision development, time allocation and so on.  It discusses these in the context of functioning free markets.  To Koch Industries, the market process is very much a process of human behaviour.  It argues that for market principles to work in its firm, human interrelationships must replicate those that make markets work.

Whether or not Koch Industries' processes are right or wrong, whether it has understood market operations correctly or not, or whether its systems perform internally the way they appear to is not the point for the purposes of this discussion.  The point is that Koch Industries seems to have studied market operations more than any other firm and has deliberately sought to apply market principles, structures, processes and relationships in its firm.  In this, it appears to be unique and to provide at least one obvious model of the process for others to contemplate.

"Markets in the firm" is not some new business guru-led fad.  It is, instead, a slowly evolving business structure being quietly driven by several factors.  Humans have discovered that free markets are the best model for the forward advancement of the economic well being of societies.  Oddly, this works by maximising the choices that individual people are able to make within an over-aching social framework that primarily acts to protect individual free choice.  It is a complex and difficult balancing act but, somehow, when it is achieved, effective structures emerge in societies which enable them to function with high measures of success and growth.  This idea of free markets has seeped deep into the psychological recesses of the post-World War 2 generations.  And, without even thinking, these same generations are taking their culture of success through individuality into the firm, thereby creating structures and business frameworks outside of the prevailing academic frameworks.  The development of "markets in the firm" is a process of osmosis driven by values which hold the supremacy of the individual above all else.

In this environment, employment, which requires the individual to be subjugated to the needs of the business, is struggling for relevance and acceptance.  Within the core structures of firms we are witnessing a quiet struggle over values.  One value holds the firm to be supreme.  The other holds the individual to be supreme.



ENDNOTES

1.  See "Is slacking the only way to survive the office?", The Scotsman, 16 August 2004;  "What's that stench in your office?  Inertia", TimesOnline 16 August 2004 at www.timesonline.co.uk

2.  The only publication known to this author that is dedicated to discussing markets in the firm is Tyler Cowen and David Parker, Markets In The Firm, The Institute of Economic Affairs London, 1997.

3.  Nothing in the following sections of this chapter should be taken as an endorsement of the products, services, general activities or corporate behaviour of the firms and companies discussed.  The point of the exercise is to present and analyse the different ways in which "markets in the firm" have developed in different sectors and places around the world.  The firms in question are cited merely to illustrate these differences.

4.  James Champy, Reengineering Management, Harper Collins Publishers, 1995, page 13.

5.  Alfred P. Sloan, "The Most Important Thing I Ever Learned about Management" in Peter Krass (ed.), The Book of Business Wisdom, John Wiley & Sons Inc, New York, 1997, pages 168-174.

6Ibid.

7.  Fiona Carruthers, "Asia icing on Amway cake", The Australian Financial Review, 14 January 2005.

8.  John F. Love, McDonalds:  Behind the Arches, Bantam Books, USA, 1986.

9.  "Because of McDonald's international scope, translators and electronic equipment enable professors to teach and communicate in 22 languages at one time.  McDonald's also manages ten international training centers, including Hamburger Universities in England, Japan, Germany and Australia." http://www.mcdonalds.com/corp/career/hamburger_university.html

10.  Coles Myer also retails food and other lines which Harvey Norman does not.

11.  See R.H. Coase, The Firm, The Market, and The Law, University of Chicago Press, 1988.

12.  The name "Odco" was the name of the company involved the court decisions of the 1990s, but by 2005 had become widely used as a reference in Australia to the particular type of labour hire engagement resulting from the legal judgments.

13Odco Pty Ltd and Building Workers' Industrial Union of Australia.  No VG 151 of 1988 Federal Court of Australia.

14.  Koch Industries' Website is located at:  www.kochind.com

15Forbes Magazine, October 2000;  www.forbes.com.tool/html/00/oct/1002/mu8.htm

16.  www.kochind.com/about/financial.asp

17.  C Koch speech 1993, "How to succeed in interesting times" from:  www.kochind.com

18Market Based Management Models Collection.  A management training manual of Koch Industries Inc., Version 27, August 1998, page 45.  Note:  all descriptions of KI operating systems based on interpretations derived from Models.

19Ibid., page 5.

20Ibid., page 13.

21Ibid., page 29.

22.  John F. Love, McDonalds Behind the Arches, Bantam Books, USA, 1986.  Chapter 9.

23Market Based Management Models Collection, page 30.

24Ibid., page 31.

25Ibid., page 12.

26Ibid., page 47.

27.  Microsoft underwent some disaggregation in the EU in the sense that "unbundling" of some software was required and some interoperability issues needed to be overcome if Microsoft was to avoid sanctions.  This did not occur in the USA where agreements were reached to improve the competitive environment in different ways.

28Market Based Management Models Collection, page 50.

29Ibid., pages 41 and 61.