Friday, August 13, 1993

Some Thoughts About Abroad

Vol. 5, No. 3

SUMMARY

Discussions while overseas between mid-June and mid-July provided some new perspectives on a range of issues.  Most importantly, the extent of structural change going on overseas, and the implications, are greater than is generally realised.  In particular, major steps are being taken to reduce the excessive role of government in economies and societies, which is increasingly recognised as impeding economic performance.  There is now, for example, a new wave of privatisations sweeping across Western Europe, involving the disposal of around $US100 billion of major government assets.

Other important structural changes in process or in prospect include:

  • the greater importance being attached by central banks to not allowing inflation to "get away", as it has done in past recoveries, and their developing independence to pursue and sustain low inflation;
  • the apparent widespread agreement that, for most countries, budget deficits have now blown out about as far as they can be allowed to, and, henceforth, will be wound back;
  • the widespread and growing re-assessment of the relative efficiency of government as a deliverer of services and the increasing emphasis on "market testing" and contracting-out of government services, as well as resort to user-pays policies;  and
  • the continued decline of manufacturing employment in OECD countries and the reduced prospects for employment in service industries.

While these structural changes are generally improving economic performance capacity in the longer run, they will take time to be absorbed and for markets, particularly labour markets, to adjust to.  They seem likely to keep the rate of OECD growth down to low levels for some considerable time.  Australian economic policy should not, therefore, rely on faster growth in overseas demand to improve its income and employment levels, and its current account deficit.  If we do, we risk an externally-induced reaction that could put us back in recession.

Other points of interest include the likely further downward revision to recent forecasts by international institutions for overseas economic growth in 1994;  the growing differentiation overseas between Australia and New Zealand, in terms that are not favourable to Australia;  the major review of Australian/US relations underway within our Federal bureaucracy and the Government's strategic error in rejecting the NAFTA option;  the worrying weakness of the current crop of leaders of major overseas countries and the generally poor start by the Clinton Administration in particular.


I was overseas between mid-June and mid-July and during that time had discussions with senior officials of the OECD and IMF, of Central Banks and Treasuries in the US and UK, of Standard and Poors credit rating agency and US securities firms in New York, and of Think-Tanks in London and Washington.  I also attended a Privatisation Conference in London (where I gave an address).  My discussions covered a range of matters and gave me some new perspectives on a range of issues, summarised below.


STRUCTURAL CHANGE

The most common thread is perhaps the growing recognition that excessive government involvement in the economy and society is impeding economic performance.  The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, and the apparent success which the privatisation process is having in some of those countries under enormous difficulties, plus the return in Western Europe of high and rising unemployment and revived talk of "Euro-Sclerosis", is starting to make governments realise the extent of the excessive government involvement in their economies.  Hence, there is now an enormous new wave of privatisations sweeping across Western Europe, involving the disposal of something like $US100 billion in government assets ranging from Deutsche Telekom and even France Telecom to government investments in banking, insurance, energy, steel, food, chemicals and even Bofors in the Swedish defence industry (see Attachment A).

At the same time, there is a staunch rearguard action being mounted which is holding up progress.  Nothing could better illustrate the forces of resistance than the comment by Jacques Delors (Socialist head of the European Community bureaucracy) at the time of the June meeting of the EC on unemployment, to the effect that Europe did not want to have a labour market which kept unemployment down the way that (allegedly) North America has, namely, by creating a class of working poor!  "We are in a hole", his aide acknowledged.  "A cut in interest rates is urgent"!  But, while resistance to change is strong, I could detect nothing comparable (outside the French peasantry) to the rabid anti-economic rationalist campaign which has developed in Australia.

Of course, there are also some areas, such as social welfare, where the debate about government involvement is only just starting.  And there are areas where backward steps have been taken or are threatened.  Overall, however, I think the die is cast in the direction of changing the role of government.  Perhaps the changes will not be quite as big as those being experienced by the Cuban army, which was apparently reduced to bicycles at the marchpast following the Russian withdrawal!  But they will be major.

Some further aspects are discussed in following sections.  Here I want only to observe that, while the structural changes that are actually occurring are generally improving economic performance capacity in the long run, those changes (and the forces of resistance) seem likely to keep the rate of OECD growth down to low levels for some considerable time.  This has important implications for the extent to which Australia can and should rely on faster growth in overseas demand to improve its income and employment levels, and its current account deficit.  In my judgement, economic policy should place no such reliance for the next few years.  We will need instead to try to increase market share by implementing our own structural changes -- and at a faster pace than hitherto -- and avoid the temptation to "stimulate" domestic demand as a means of reducing unemployment in the short term.  That course risks an externally-induced reaction that could put us back in recession.

Apart from the privatisation of government enterprises, the important structural changes which are occurring or are likely to occur, and which are likely to adversely affect growth in the next 3-4 years, include:

  • The greater importance being attached by central banks to not allowing inflation to "get away", as it has done in past recoveries, and their developing independence to pursue low inflation.  While it would be premature to say that the battle against inflation has been won, it is more closely fought than for some time.  This means that central banks stand ready to raise interest rates and to restrain spending.  Particularly given also that high borrowers are not going to be "let off" the debt which they accumulated during the 1980s, the initial effects of a low inflation policy are likely to be to keep recovery slow (but to increase its sustainability) as entrepreneurs and employees adapt to the new environment;
  • The apparent widespread agreement that for most countries budget deficits have now blown out about as far as they can be allowed to go and, henceforth, will be wound back.  At the very least, the period of "stimulus" is over and, even if budget reduction targets are not met, fiscal policy is likely to be a constraining force on aggregate demand;
  • The widespread and growing re-assessment of the relative efficiency of government as a deliverer of services and the increasing importance being attached to "market testing" of government services and to user-pays policies.
  • This is likely to lead to reductions in government employment, particularly in Western Europe where most of the limited growth in employment in the 1980s was in the public sector (see below).  The US, however, will also be affected.  The Clinton Administration has under way a massive "National Performance Review" of the US public service involving 250 bureaucrats in the Vice President's office.  This review (part of the "Re-Inventing Government" idea) is scheduled to be completed in early September and, while it is not being touted as a likely means of obtaining budgetary savings, it has obvious implications both for future employment prospects in the public sector and for the 3 million existing public sector employees, particularly the 1 million or so in the postal service and the 1 million or so in defence industries.  Taken together, both private and public sector defence industries in the US are estimated to experience a reduction in employment of close to 2 million over the next 5 years, averaging 380,000 per annum, compared with total US employment now of around 120 million. (1)  It will take time to replace these jobs in the private sector, particularly in circumstances where there is a fiscal contraction going on.  (As one observer pointed out, this is the first occasion after the end of a major "war" when the US has not been able to cut taxes).
  • The continued relative decline of manufacturing in OECD countries and its absolute decline as a source of employment.  Given the relatively rapid growth in employment in service industries, this has not hitherto been a cause for concern. (2)  But with employment in some services industries also being adversely affected in the current striving for improved performance, the capacity of those industries to provide sufficient alternative jobs is being questioned, particularly in a context where public sector employment is under review and is clearly going to be reduced.
  • These structural changes will take time to be absorbed and for markets, particularly labour markets, to adjust to.  As UK Prime Minister Major said at the EC's June Summit:  "Our total labour costs are too high.  Our employment markets are too rigid.  And our labour force is not adaptable and mobile".

UNEMPLOYMENT AND EMPLOYMENT

An interim report of a major employment/unemployment study by the OECD was released in Paris in June (3) but has received little attention here, perhaps because the Government did not want too much attention drawn to some of the analysis.  One of the most interesting things to emerge from that report is the striking difference between the performance of the North American and European labour markets. (4)  In particular, since the early 70s the North American labour market has:

  • Produced a much faster overall growth in employment:  around 31 million jobs have been "created" compared with 9 million in Europe.  A particular feature has been the large increase in participation rates in North America (from 68 per cent to 77 per cent) while Europe (which had the same participation rate as North America 20 years ago) has experienced no increase in participation at all;
  • Had by far the greater proportion of employment growth in the private sector, whereas most of the European growth has been in the public sector (see Attachment B);
  • Experienced only a slight increase in the trend level of the unemployment rate (from around 6 per cent to 7 per cent), whereas the trend level of unemployment has jumped from around 3 per cent to over 10 per cent in the EC and from under 2 per cent to about 7 per cent in EFTA (European Free Trade Area) countries. (5)  Latest projections for OECD Europe suggest that the rate of unemployment will reach 11.4 per cent at end 1993 (from 9.9 per cent at end 1992) and increase a further 0.5 percentage points in 1994.

It is difficult not to conclude that the greater "flexibility" of the North American labour market (that is, less regulation and less unionism) has been an important factor in this superior performance.  Of particular interest in this regard is the OECD Report's reference to the European practice of setting a minimum wage which is relatively close to the average wage and indexed over time to prices and/or earnings.  Thus, the Report says that "instead of being working poor, unskilled workers are unemployed. ... An effective general approach, therefore, starts from the recognition that a low-productivity job warrants the payment of only a low wage".

The report also suggests a strong performance for the Oceania (6) labour market, where the growth in employment has been almost as great as in North America and has also been concentrated in the private sector.  However, the trend increase in the unemployment rate (from around 3 per cent to 11 per cent) spoils the story, particularly as the increase in the participation rate has been significantly less than in North America.

Another striking feature of the report is its bringing out of the marked change in the composition of employment, with only 1 in 5 now being employed in manufacturing compared with 1 in 4 thirty years ago.  There are now almost as many workers employed in wholesale and retail trade as in manufacturing in OECD countries.

The report offers no clear solutions to the unemployment problem but suggests a strategy embracing a wide range of measures.  It is of considerable interest that it seems to put stable macroeconomic policies at the top of the list, pointing out that in Europe at least there appears to have been a permanent ratcheting up of unemployment rates after each recession.

It warns, however, that the "adverse effects of this lack of macroeconomic rigour in the past cannot be reversed by an unduly easy setting of macroeconomic policies in the future" and that "any policy action to affect employment in the short term should not at the same time prejudice the achievement of higher employment in the medium to longer term, for example through jeopardising inflation performance or international competitiveness".  At the same time, it notes that the deterioration in the employment situation "increasingly risks provoking precipitate and counter-productive policy action, for example, hasty and possibly ill-conceived macroeconomic expansion, inappropriate reversal of earlier labour market reforms to facilitate structural adjustment, and further resort to open or (more likely) disguised trade protectionism".

Thus, what is needed is a "credible macroeconomic policy framework (that) will strengthen the willingness of economic agents to accept structural change and to exploit economic opportunities".  This would "differ from the present situation in a number of key respects:

  • there would be less pre-emption of private sector savings by public sector deficits;
  • long-term real interest rates, particularly but not only in Europe, would be lower;
  • consumer and business confidence would be higher;
  • investment, particularly private-sector investment, would be stronger;  and
  • low inflation would be more widespread, and more firmly established.

According to the Report "The key requirement is to reduce long-term budget deficits".

Under the heading "Adjusting To and Benefiting From Structural Change" the Report also suggests a range of other aspects of the unemployment problem that need to be dealt with.  These include improvements in wage structures and wage bargaining systems, in education and labour market policies, in the investment environment so that it is more conducive to entrepreneurs, and in social welfare policies so that they do not encourage dependency.


MONETARY POLICY AND INFLATION

There has been considerable surprise expressed at the hints given by the Federal Reserve Bank ("the Fed"), at a time when the US recovery seems not yet firmly established, that it is contemplating the possibility of increasing interest rates.  What does not seem to be widely understood is that, with a monetary policy stance that is probably the "easiest" it has been for 20 years (as reflected in negative real interest rates at the "short end"), and with inflation still running at 3 per cent per annum plus, the Fed is concerned that inflation could quickly get away from it again, as it has in the past.  It does not want to repeat the mistakes of the 1970s.  The Fed's utterances are thus designed to influence inflationary expectations by creating a threat environment that would provide a told-you-so basis for a quick upwards adjustment in rates should inflationary pressures re-emerge.

Part of the background to the Fed's concern is its assessment that the NAIRU (Non-Accelerating Inflation Rate of Unemployment) in the US has moved up from 5.5 per cent to 6 per cent.  Thus, with unemployment at around 7 per cent, the economy is judged to be not far off "full employment" and the point where wage pressures could re-emerge.  The employment situation is evidently now given a lot of weight in the Fed's assessments and capacity utilisation less weight than in the past because of the relative decline in the importance of manufacturing in the US economy.  Movements in monetary aggregates have a relatively low weight.

The Fed also has an objective to get inflation down further, on a gradual basis:  it is "surprised" that inflation didn't come down more before recovery commenced.  Given this objective, and given the present "easy" stance of policy, the Fed's nervousness about the re-emergence of inflationary pressures and its apparent preparedness to move interest rates up, are understandable.

Notwithstanding its aim of lowering inflation, the Fed has not moved to try to establish an inflation target because there is an insufficient political constituency for that in the US.  This partly reflects the perceived success of monetary policy in getting inflation down in the early 1980s without a target.  The Fed has, however, lent support to moves by a small group of Congressmen to change its charter to give more emphasis to inflation.  Such moves seem unlikely to succeed, at least in the foreseeable future.

By contrast to the Fed, the Bank of England has adopted an "interim" underlying inflation target of 1-4 per cent per annum and has a "long term" target of 0-2 per cent". (7)  The new Governor (Eddie George) appears to be a strong supporter.  By contrast, the Reserve Bank Governor, Bernie Fraser, is regarded by the "Old Lady" as "not quite sound" on inflation.

The Bank is now publishing a six monthly "Inflation Report" analysing, inter alia, the state of inflationary expectations (which it regards as not yet consistent with the 1-4 per cent target) and emphasising the importance of price stability in the medium term.  In the light of its experience under ex-Chancellor Nigel Lawson, and the need to establish a new policy framework after sterling left the ERM, the Bank has indicated that it favours "independence", but with a precise mandate.  It was "surprised" to learn from his resignation speech that former Chancellor Lamont also favoured an independent Bank but had "noted" that Prime Minister Major did not reject that out of hand.  The Netherlands system, where the Minister of Finance has an "over-ride" power whose use has to be made public, would be a possible option.  The important thing is to shift the public onus for pressing the "nuclear button" (that is, dropping interest rates) to the political side.

Like the Fed, the Bank of England is also nervous about the possible re-emergence of inflationary pressures and, with a view to affecting inflationary expectations, is also dropping hints that it is prepared to raise interest rates even at this early stage in the modest UK recovery.  One important factor influencing its concern is the relatively high household saving ratio, which it fears could form the basis for a surge in consumption expenditure, particularly as the proportion of disposable income going on interest payments has declined sharply over the past 2-3 years (but is still at historically high levels).  On the supply side, the Bank is also trying to assess the potential for inflationary pressures to emerge from the possible "gap" between output and production capacity.  Even with recent falls in the capital stock, the present output gap is assessed as exerting downwards pressures on inflation.  The UK NAIRU, according to the Treasury, is probably between 6 and 8 per cent unemployment.  The weight being given to such indicators again confirms the decline in the importance being attached to monetary aggregates in determining monetary policy.


SHAREMARKETS

A major influence on the increase in world share prices has, of course, been the fall in interest rates, the increase in the relative returns on equities, and the resultant surge of funds into equities.  This process has largely been driven by the drop in short-term rates in the US, which are (as noted) negative in real terms and at their lowest level in 20 years.

From one viewpoint this process is in accord with "market forces".  However, there is a growing question as to whether market prices do not already anticipate an unrealistic growth in earnings.  Attachment C suggests that that is the case with the Japanese market and the likelihood of over-pricing increases if forecasts of faster economic growth in 1994 are not realised.

Also, the main vehicle for increased buying of equities in the US has been through mutual funds, which have been able to attract very large funds out of bank deposits.  These funds could prove to be unstable holders of equities, however, particularly once interest rates start to rise and they again find it difficult to compete with banks.


BUDGET DEFICITS

As noted, it is now widely agreed that, with the exception of Japan, OECD budget deficits cannot be allowed to blow out any further beyond the 4-5 per cent of GDP at which they are now running.  Even allowing for likely slippage in those countries with specific measures planned or in place to reduce deficits (such as the US and Germany), and for likely slippage because of lower than forecast economic growth, the days of fiscal "stimulus" seem over, and some contraction may occur.

As to measures being taken to reduce deficits, the US Congress seems likely to agree on a 50/50 split, that is, half the reduction from tax increases and half from spending reductions.  The proposal by Labor Secretary Robert Reich for a short term fiscal stimulus has dropped out of consideration and there appears generally to be less Administration enthusiasm in office for increased public infrastructure spending.  (The Treasury suggested to me that Professor Aschauer's analysis indicating significant growth benefits from increased public infrastructure spending was largely based on spending on roads in the 1950s when there was a clearly identifiable "back-log".)  While the spending reductions are in net terms almost entirely in defence or defence-related areas, and the tax increases come first, the Administration is said to be "more serious" than previous Administrations about reducing the deficit.  It has now become almost an article of faith -- even if the "conversion" has mainly to be attributed to "preacher" Ross Perot, who has maintained his political machine and whose political influence remains considerable.  (While Perot is a "good guy" on the deficit reduction issue, his protectionist views are much less welcome.)  There is, however, considerable resentment at the proposal to increase the top corporate tax rate from 34 to 35 per cent and at the higher personal income taxes which, while presented as "taxing the rich", impact a fair way down the scale.

Driven by the Bundesbank's insistence that interest rate reductions were more or less conditional on reducing the budget deficit, the German Government is implementing spending reductions and it has even started to tackle social security spending.  However, while there is much talk in Europe of the adverse effects of high social security spending (and the UK Treasury is undertaking a major review), there is little action being taken to deal with the problem.

The UK Government has set limits on spending growth which are said to be the "tightest" for umpteen years, and has a stated aim of reducing the budget deficit to 3 or 4 per cent of GDP by 1996-97 (from 8 per cent).  However, the new Chancellor is said to "believe in public spending" and is clearly not going to do anything dramatic to reduce it from the high level it has now reached.


PRIVATISATION

Mention has already been made of the $100 billion wave of privatisations of government assets sweeping across Western Europe and the example effect from the privatisation process in some former Communist countries.  This is clearly having an important influence, particularly in Germany, where the privatisation agency (Treuhandanstalt) established to (in effect) privatise the former East German economy has largely completed its task.  The extent of structural changes there in four-and-a-half years has been enormous, with 12,000 enterprises being sold for DM42 billion.  The work force of 9.5 million people has been reduced to 6 million but official unemployment has been contained to around 15 per cent.  The privatisation agency, which is itself scheduled to be wound down at the end of 1994, has employed a range of methods to privatise, with one of the major problems being to find enough executives with entrepreneurial skills.  (Some 40,000 of existing managers were changed).

In (old) West Germany, privatisation is now being progressively extended into the postal service, telecommunications and railways and serious consideration is being given to privatisation of the Federal highways when technology becomes available on an economic basis for charging users (said to be 1998).

The comparative success of the privatisation process in some ex-Communist countries, in the face of enormous difficulties, is also of interest even though the main method of privatisation -- the issue of vouchers to the population at large -- has limited relevance elsewhere.  (Its main significance, perhaps, is its demonstration of the potential for privatisation even in situations where domestic savings are low.) (8)  The process has already gone a long way in the Czech Republic and further than is generally realised in Russia.  About 70,000 small businesses have now been privatised in Russia (about 30 per cent of the total) and about 2,000 large businesses (about 10 per cent of the total).  The odd report is already appearing of take-over battles in Russia by rival groups of shareholders!

From Australia's viewpoint, Eastern European privatisation threatens to produce a major source of competition for our agricultural products as, modern management and scientific methods and, privatisation are applied to highly productive agricultural land.  The scope for productivity gains is enormous, with the average farm in the old Soviet Union having 150 employed compared to 5 said to be needed.  With Western Europe being pressed to "do something" to help economic development in former Communist countries, it would not be surprising if before long the EC gave concessions to allow the entry of "surplus" agricultural products from those countries.

Even though it has already done so much, (9) the UK itself is continuing to press ahead with privatisation, the main projects in the pipeline being British Rail and British Coal.

Consideration is also being given to privatisation of existing motorways, if public acceptance can be secured for a user charge.

However, the most interesting "privatisation" developments in the UK are, perhaps, in respect of the public service proper, rather than the "enterprise" sector which owns and operates large assets.  In an effort to improve services and accountability, two-thirds of the public service has been split into agencies with a discrete activity and financial and service level targets.  The emphasis is on developing customer contractual relationships.  As part of this process, the public service is now being required each year to "market test" a proportion of its services (other than policy advice).  (Even Treasury forecasting is being market tested!)  In the first year (1993) market testing will involve 1.5 billion pounds worth of services and 44,000 staff.

UK local government is also having compulsory competitive tendering extended to some white-collar services.  Some local councils have developed competitive tendering extensively and report large savings and improved quality of services.  A new role is foreseen for local authorities, described as an enabling, franchising and monitoring role rather than one directly involving the delivery of services.


ECONOMIC FORECASTS

The foregoing provides some background to the recent economic forecasts by the OECD and the IMF, which now suggest the fourth successive year of growth of 2 per cent or less in industrialised countries in 1993 (1.7 per cent). (10)  This is forecast to be followed next year by a 1-1.25 per cent faster growth.  This 1994 forecast is importantly based on an assumed faster growth in consumption expenditure, particularly in North America.  However, even if that scenario eventuates, commodity prices generally are not expected to increase faster than the general rate of inflation, which is forecast to remain stable at around 3 per cent per annum

Washington discussions suggested that these published growth forecasts are already being scaled back somewhat in the light of poorer than expected performance since they were put together.  The low level of the saving ratio in the US, coupled with concern about employment prospects, suggests that, while there will be surges in consumption expenditure from time to time, such spending may not provide the extent of sustained support for overall growth that is now reflected in the forecasts.  Some private sector forecasters in the US are expecting the fiscal contraction package to start causing a slow down in the first half of 1994.

The qualifications to the economic outlook deriving from short-term adverse effects of structural change apply to a somewhat lesser degree to the UK economy, where a modest recovery appears underway.  That economy has of course already undertaken massive privatisation as well as considerable labour market reforms.  Trade Union membership is now down below 30 per cent of the work force, and dropping.

My own assessment is that Australia would be unwise to base its economic strategy (or forecasts) on faster overseas growth in 1994.  If that were to eventuate, well and good.  In my judgment there is a fair shade of odds against it happening.


PERCEPTIONS OF AUSTRALIAN POLICIES

An important perception is that, whereas "Australia and New Zealand" have tended to be looked at as one broadly similar unit, overseas observers and institutions are now increasingly distinguishing New Zealand from Australia.  In fact, New Zealand is the "talk of the town" in terms of its monetary and labour market policies in particular, and is attracting increasing interest from overseas investors.  The London Financial Times was full of praise for New Zealand's low-inflation monetary policy and Don Brash, Governor of the NZ Reserve Bank, was written up in very favourable terms for a speech he made there in June.  (Sam Brittan apparently suggested that he should have been appointed as the next Governor of the Bank of England.)

This is not to suggest that Australia is seen as heading for a "crisis".  Rather, our credit rating can be said to be on "negative watch" as things drift.  While financial markets "accept" the 1 per cent of GDP 1996-97 Budget deficit target (even though, as one New York securities firm told me, it is not regarded as credible), it is a relatively high risk strategy for a country with a large external debt and a relatively high on-going current account deficit.  There is no talk of institutions likely to pull money out of Australia -- but equally no particular enthusiasm for putting new money in, with the possible exception of the Australian sharemarket which was perceived to be somewhat undervalued in relative terms.  Nobody overseas seemed aware of the large "shortfall" in private capital financing of the current account deficit that has developed over the past 18 months (11) or particularly concerned about the extent to which reserves have been used.  When the issue was raised, it was agreed that this is a potential source of concern.

The IMF Debt people were emphatic in rejecting the Pitchford thesis that private external obligations should not be a serious concern for public policy.  They stressed that inappropriate domestic polices could lead to excessive private sector borrowing and that there are many developing country examples where this has led to a recession.  They pointed out that, while it was almost inconceivable that Australia would pursue polices that led to external capital flows being actually cut off (as had happened in many developing countries), that was not the point.  Rather, the point was to avoid policies which risk sudden marked slowdowns or recessions.  There are lessons from the 1980s' experience of developing countries, (12) as well as our own.

Both the IMF and OECD teams to review the Australian economy in September-October (13) emphasised the importance they attach to progressing microeconomic reform and gave the impression that they feel that this has slipped.  Some interest was expressed in the Victorian reforms and the general potential for reform at the State level.  It is evident that the OECD will focus particularly on the extent to which enterprise bargaining is being constrained in obtaining productivity improvements by the existing bargaining framework, including the requirement for union involvement.

The OECD team had recently been briefed by Mr Brereton, who apparently extolled the virtues of the increase in enterprise agreements.  Even so, they were obviously keen to ascertain the extent of productivity gains, which I suggested were not large to date.  They appeared to be unaware of the recent BCA study suggesting that there has been little or no closing of the productivity "gap" between Australia and overseas countries in recent years.

The OECD is also taking a particular interest in education and training, including the effectiveness of the training levy.


TRADE POLICY

Discussions in Washington indicated that a major review of Australian-US relations is under way within our Federal bureaucracy with a view to assessing policy options, such as getting rid of US defence stations, in the event of a deterioration in trade relations.  (Perhaps Mr Keating's extraordinary appointment of his right hand man, Don Russell, as Australian Ambassador in Washington is part of contingency planning for a possible serious break in Australian-US relations!)  The circumstances in which such a break could be triggered are difficult to assess:  but they might include a major US attempt to gain preferred access to the Japanese market, not a remote possibility given the stronger anti-Japanese attitude of Clinton Administration officials and US attempts to obtain Japanese agreement to access targets for US exports.

The Government's rejection of the North American Free Trade Area option is probably a strategic error based on the excessive attention being given to "Asia" for political reasons.  The increase in US investment in Mexico since it became likely that that country would become a member of NAFTA indicates the potential for spin-offs. (14)  Also, while our circumstances are different, and while our multilateral trade policy is generally appropriate, membership would offer considerable potential benefits for rural exports and trade diversion on the import side would likely be limited given proposed general tariff reductions in train.  Pursuit of a policy of "doing nothing to upset our Asian neighbours" may have cost in terms of Australia's national interests.  Pursuit of APEC as a possible freer trade vehicle is a very long-term option, with more dubious prospects.


EXCHANGE RATES AND COMPETITIVENESS

There can be little doubt that, on any comparison of prices internationally, the $US and the $A appear "undervalued" relative to European currencies.  Of course, retail price "advantages" are not the only determinants of international trade but it is difficult to believe, on the basis of present price differentials, that present exchange rates can be sustained between the $US and ERM currencies.  The Financial Times reported a McKinsey comparison of UK and US prices, using an exchange rate of one pound=$l.60, for 268 similar products.  This showed average prices in the US to be 32 per cent lower but with many prices being over 100 per cent lower (Attachment D).  And UK prices are "lower" than European prices.

Given the apparent price competitiveness of the $A, our inability to do more to increase market share must presumably reflect cost and other factors that are deterring investment in the traded goods sectors.


POLITICAL LEADERSHIP

In an editorial prior to the G7 summit the Wall Street Journal drew attention to the fact that "Bill Clinton led the pack" with a popularity rating of 36 per cent (a level of unpopularity "it took other leaders years to achieve") and suggested that leaders are being elected with "thousands of good ideas rather than a few good ones".  We have, as a result, "shallow vessels" who have "failed to keep abreast of cultural change, of the new vitality of civil society ... of the choices and identities made ever more available by consumer society".  As a result, "governments appear on the defensive battered by one crisis after another, perpetually hoping to turn the corner so that they can take control." Yet, as former Chancellor Lamont said in his farewell speech, "We give the impression of being in office, but not in power." The current crop of G7 leaders, the WSJ opined, are "waiting for someone to explain what to do and where to go.  Government has finally met Godot."

The evident weakness of the "current crop" of leaders is a source of serious concern.  There is, in particular, an enormous need to explain the reasons and need for major structural change in government to correct the mistakes of the past 20 years or so.  Yet the leadership seems to have no capacity to convey a coherent philosophy and proceeds in an ad hoc fashion.

The Clinton Administration is particularly worrying, given the importance of the US.  The search for domestic consensus (the so-called inclusive approach) is resulting in uneasy compromises and an indecisiveness that may explain compensatory foreign policy adventurism, such as the botched Baghdad bombing (applauded by just about all of those who expressed "outrage" at Grenada, the bombing of Libya and the Gulf War!).  The President is frequently late for appointments and the process of appointing staff (as well as many of the appointees) to key public service positions is in disrepute and the subject of frequent lampooning (see cartoon below).  As humorist Art Buchwald quipped in his column of one hypothetical nominee "Nobody knows what he did, but it must have been pretty bad if Clinton seriously considered his name".  When I was in Washington, it was said that Defence Secretary Aspin had threatened to resign because he couldn't get appointments approved by the White House cabal, over which Hillary Rodham Clinton (as she prefers now to be known -- during the election it was simply "Hillary Clinton") is said to exercise a powerful influence.

Indecisiveness and uncertainties are undoubtedly having adverse effects on US employment and investment.  The continued postponement of Hillary Rodham Clinton's health "reform" package (now said to be unlikely to emerge before next year) and uncertainty over how it is to be financed (probably by a payroll tax), plus uncertainty about the contours of the $500 billion fiscal contraction package, are important in this context.  Again, the promise to raise the $4.25 per hour minimum wage has been postponed for at least a year, but not abandoned.  One apparently permanent election promise casualty of some interest in the Australian context is said to be the abandonment of the promise to require businesses to spend 1.5 per cent of their payrolls on training (perhaps the payroll tax field is being left clear for health).

The much stronger anti-Japanese sentiments said to exist in this Administration than in the Bush Administration are also worrying from a number of perspectives, not least the potential threat to our exports.  Fortunately, even in their politically-weakened state, the Japanese seem more prepared to stand up to the Americans now that the Cold War is over.  The continued US strategy of trying to push the yen to higher and higher levels as a means of trying to force open allegedly closed Japanese internal markets also threatens to be counterproductive in keeping Japanese growth down.


CULTURE

The complainers and the "victims" of society continue to get excessive attention.  "The Kiss of the Spiderwoman" focuses on a homosexual and a terrorist in a jail which maltreats prisoners, while Pulitzer Prize Winning play "Angels In America" seemed likely to analyse (and swear) to death the plight of an AIDS victim and his lover, and a closet homosexual Mormon married to a valium popping suburban housewife (I only lasted to the end of the first Act).  In the US the Anita Hill/Clarence Thomas case daily produces allegedly new perspectives in the letters and op-ed columns.  The No. 1 book on the non-fiction best seller list has the marvellous title of "Women Who Run With The Wolves".  One woman in Washington complained to me that she didn't like driving around with only another woman in case it was thought she was a lesbian!

But there is the odd sign of a fightback.  Robert Hughes' "Culture of Complaint" is running at No. 9 on the best seller list, which is probably a plus.  The book "The Real Anita Hill" by David Brock is at No. 3 on the non-fiction best selling list.  One New York play about a "weak" professor accused of sexually harassing one of his students (who "has to" pursue the case for the sake of "the group") ends, after he learns that he has lost his tenure and house over the case, with the professor throwing her around the stage to cheers from (some in) the audience at the evident moral justification.  Major exhibitions of Old Masters such as the Titian and the 16th Century exhibition, one of artists' copies at the Louvre and the magnificent Matisse retrospective exhibition at the Pompidou suggest greater attention to historical origins as well as a fascination with individual achievement.  Art in such forms is undoubtedly now "big business", judging by the enormous crowds.

Meantime, on England's playing fields the latest curse is not "Oh Hell" but "Oh Lloyds"!

Attachment A
Morgan Stanley's Estimate of Europe's Privatisation Candidates

CountryCompanyIndustryGovt holding
% of Co.
Value
($m)
ItalyCrediop
Credito Italiano
BCI
Banca di Roma
Banco di Napoli
IMI
ENEL
AGIP *
SNAM *
ENI Group *
SME
INA
ILVA
STET
Finnmeccanica *
Nuovo Pignone
Assitalia
Iritecna
Saipem
Banking
Banking
Banking
Banking
Banking
Banking
Utilities
Energy/oil
Energy/oil
Energy/oil
Food
Insurance
Steel
Telecoms
Engineering
Engineering
Insurance
Construction
Energy equipment
51.0
67.0
57.0
86.9
13.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
68.7
100.0
100.0
52.0
100.0
75.5
59.5
100.0
63.4
n/a
877.0
2,182.0
2,101.0
570.0
n/a
7,744.1
5,010.9
1,962.2
5,579.1
1,259.4
n/a
n/a
4,131.9
1,689.9
396.5
571.2
n/a
476.3
SwedenLuftfartsverket *
Nordbanken
Televerket *
Gotabank
Procordia
NCB #
ASSI *
LKAB *
Celsius *
Vattenfall *
Airport authority
Banking
Telecoms
Banking
Pharmaceuticals/food
Forest Products
Forest Products
Mining
Technology
Utilities
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
32.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
298.2
2,510.0
2,106.2
800.0
1,935.6
214.1
341.0
542.4
187.7
1,075.1
FinlandValmet
Enso-Gutzelt
Veltsiluoto *
Outokumopu
Kemira *
Neste *
Rautaruukki *
Engineering
Forest products
Forest products
Non-ferrous metals
Chemicals
Oil/chemicals
Steel
80.0
51.0
88.8
57.5
100.0
98.0
87.0
199.3
506.6
129.7
401.7
198.9
426.2
210.0
NetherlandsDSM
ING
PTT *
Chemicals
Insurance
Telecoms/post
30.5
8.0
100.0
532.6
780.3
6,479.6
SpainRepsol
ENDESA
Ence
Telefonica
Tabacalera
Argentaria
Energy/Oil
Utilities
Forest products
Telecoms
Food/tobacco
Banking
41.1
75.5
55.0
32.0
52.4
75.0
3,192.2
7,120.3
3,315.9
3,096.8
577.1
3,442.0
FranceBNP
Credit Lyonnais
Credit Local
Thomson CSF
AGF
UAP
Pechiney
GAN
TOTAL
CNP
Elf Aquitaine
Rhone Poilenc
Renault
Usinor-Sacilor
Groupe Bull
Air France *
France Telecom *
Gaz de France *
Electricite de France *
Aeroports de Paris *
Snecma *
Banking
Banking
Banking
Technology
Insurance
Insurance
Non-ferrous
Insurance
Energy/oil
Insurance
Energy/oil
Chemicals/pharm
Autos
Steel
Technology
Transport
Telecomm
Energy/oil
Utilities
Airport authority
Technology
73
54.0
25.5
59.2
75.0
75.0
75.0
79.0
5.9
42.5
50.8
43.0
80.0
80.0
88.0
99.4
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
95.0
5,058.0
2,346.0
728.7
2,788.8
4,816.2
6,137.2
1,895.0
2,519.6
472.8
n/a
8,892.9
2,915.3
5,649.6
3,479.6
n/a
2,840.2
21,537.0
5,021.6
2,642.7
787.1
817.2
PortugalCimpor
TAP
TLP
Telecom Portugal
Portucel *
Soporcel
Banco Port do Atlantico
BPSM
Construction
Transport
Telecoms
Telecomm
Forest products
Forest Products
Banking
Banking
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
55.0
25.0
100.0
n/a
n/a
n/a
n/a
n/a
n/a
330.0
n/a
UKBritish Coal
N.I. Electricity
PowerGlen
National Power
BT
Mining
Utilities
Utilities
Utilities
Telecom
100.0
100.0
40.0
40.0
22.0
n/a
500.0
1,655.0
2,674.3
8,579.1
IrelandAer Rianta +
Telecom Elreann #
Airport Authority
Telecomm
100.00
100.0
93.9
537.9
NorwayNorsk Hydro
DnB
Christiania
Energy/Oil
Banking
Banking
51.0
70.0
100.0
2,548.4
1,520.0
1,200.0
AustriaOMV
Creditanstalt
Bank Austria
Energy/Oil
Banking
Banking
72.0
49.5
21.7
884.5
950.0
1,032.0
GermanyDeutsche Telkom *
Lufthansa
Treuhand
Telecomm
Transport
Holding co.
100.0
54.7
100.0
22,062.5
1,186.9
n/a
GreeceOTE *
PPC
Telecomm
Utilities
100.0
100.0
1,043.8
n/a
DenmarkTele DenmarkTelecomm100.01,048.2
BelgiumBelgacomTelecomm100.0n/a

* Shareholders' Funds as at 31/12/91
# Shareholders' Funds as at 02/04/92
+ Shareholders' Funds as at 31/12/90
n/a = Not available

Note:  Method used for valuing government stakes is:

  1. The percentage given as the government stake is the actual amount held directly by the government, and does not include stakes held by state banks, etc.
  2. Where a stock market price exists, the governments shareholding is translated at that price
  3. If no market price exists, shareholders' funds are taken from the balance sheet and multiplied by the percentage owned by the government.

All amounts are in US dollars.

No implication is made that these are valuations of the companies or prices at which they could or will be brought to the market.

Amounts given are as an indication only.

Source:  Morgan Stanley Research.


Attachment B
Cumulative Employment Growth in the Public and Private Sectors

Notes:  The scale for EFTA and Oceania is higher than that for North America, the European Community and Japan by a factor of 10.

Source:  OECD.


Attachment C

Source:  Reproduced from the Wall Street Journal, 30 June 1993.



ENDNOTES

1.  "Employments Effects of the Rise and Fall in Defense Spending", Monthly Labor Review, April 1993.

2.  In the decade 1981-91 the EC, for example, lost 3.2m jobs in industry and farm employment fell 3.3m.  Employment in service industries rose by 14.9m, producing a net increase in jobs of 8.5m.

3.  Employment /Unemployment Study, Interim Report by the Secretary General OECD, Paris, 1993.

4.  Of course, it is difficult to generalise about, in particular, "European" labour markets as experience varies from country to country.  Any brief assessment is thus of the average experience.

5.  Unemployment rates in these countries (which include the Nordics) have been kept artificially low by public sector job schemes which are now being reduced on grounds of their cost ineffectiveness.

6.  That is, Australia and New Zealand.

7.  Canada, Finland, New Zealand, and Sweden also now have inflation targets.

8.  To date, there has been relatively little private capital inflow into the former Communist countries -- and quite a bit of outflow!

9.  To date, 46 major businesses have been transferred to the private sector in the UK, involving all told around 920,000 employees and reducing the state owned sector of industry by two thirds.  Proceeds have been around 50 billion pounds.  The number of individual shareholders in the UK is now some 10 million, more than three times the number in 1979.

10.  This revised IMF forecast for 1993 is 1.4 percentage points below its October 1992 forecast.

11.  Only $2.3 billion of the $15.3 billion current account deficit in 1992-93 was financed by (net) private capital inflow, including the balancing item.

12.  See also "Private Market Financing for Developing Countries", IMF, December 1992.

13.  The IMF team is doing a review which was postponed from before the election.

14.  As one commentator put it, NAFTA has been an effective marketing tool both for "selling" reforms within Mexico and for attracting foreign investment to Mexico.  In the last 3 years Mexico has attracted more foreign investment than it has in the last 20 years.

Saturday, July 31, 1993

Should we do away with the states?

THE former Prime Minister Mr Bob Hawke's suggestion that changes to the Australian Constitution should include abolition of the states reflects a common community view that we have too many politicians and unnecessary duplication, and that, if we were starting again, we would not have state governments, but a Federal Government and a series of regional governments.  Implicit in this view, though not always stated, is that local governments would also be subsumed into new regional governments, perhaps totalling 20.

While such a development is unlikely, some facts may help us make judgments about the present situation.

The figures in the accompanying chart suggest that, as the Commonwealth spends not much more than the states, but employs far fewer people, it may be more efficient.  However, the lower Commonwealth employment mainly reflects its responsibilities for social security benefits, whose payment requires fewer staff than do labor-intensive services such as health, education and police, which state governments deliver.  Local government, however, accounts for a relatively small proportion of total government spending (six per cent) and its share of total government employment (nine per cent) is quite a bit higher.

There are marked differences between the three levels of government in the proportions of total spending absorbed by general administration (which includes the cost of politicians and parliaments as well as bureaucrats who are not providing specific services).  Only 4.7 per cent of state spending goes on general administration, but it makes up 8.4 cent of Commonwealth spending and no less than 13.1 per cent of local government expenditure.

These figures are not conclusive, but they suggest that the economic case for trimming government by abolishing state governments is not strong.

They also suggest that, with 900 councils throughout Australia which have relatively limited responsibilities, we are considerably over-governed at the local government level.

My analysis of local government in Victoria shows that there is the potential to save ratepayers about $500-$600 million a year by halving the number of councils and introducing other reforms.  Larger councils, of course, have the potential to provide stronger local government.

There are three key points to keep in mind in this debate.  First, there is enormous scope within the existing government structure to reduce the burden of taxes by improving the efficiency with which existing services are delivered and by concentrating welfare assistance more on those in genuine need.  My research showed scope to cut Commonwealth spending by $9 billion, for instance.

Second, the abolition of state governments would not get rid of the need to deliver education, health or other services at various regional centres.  That would require regional administrations with provision for some form of elected political representation.

Replacing eight state governments with (say) 20 elected regional governments, would not save money unless existing local governments were largely eliminated.  But that could be done now.

Third, a move to a two-tier system of government would not in itself remove the problem of duplication between the Commonwealth and whatever regional level of government existed.  Exactly the same issues would arise as to which level of government should have the final say on matters such as the environment and Aboriginal affairs, not to mention education, health and other mainstream services.

The existing duplication between the Commonwealth and state governments is considerable, but it probably does not involve large additional expenditure on administration.  It could be eliminated if agreement over appropriate responsibilities and national uniformity could be reached at the political level.  That, however, illustrates the problem!  There will always be those who think that government services can best be determined from Canberra and provided on a uniform basis around Australia.  Equally, there will always be those who prefer to have the capacity to vary services according to assessed regional preferences and needs, and who fear having too much power concentrated in Canberra.

The solution is not to proceed down the dead-end path of debating the existing tiers of government, but to institute new methods of operation which allow services to be provided in a more competitive environment, as is now being done increasingly overseas.  Whatever the level, the most urgent need is to change the government's focus from service delivery to an enabling function which provides funds for, and regulation of, such services.


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Tuesday, July 06, 1993

Why Government needs to be rolled back

TO UNDERSTAND Victoria's problems and how to overcome them, we need to understand why we got into the present mess.  My work on Project Victoria for big business associations has given some insights into this.  One came from re-reading Victoria.  The Next Step, which the Cain Government issued in 1984.

The essence of that long-term strategy was for the State Government to intervene in the economy to encourage businesses to take advantage of the state's competitive strengths.

This approach was widely regarded at the time as a basis for "sensible" co-operation between, in particular, business and government.

However, the strategy gave Victoria probably the most interventionist Government ever, leading to levels of spending and borrowing in private and public sectors that were unsustainable.

We are now "working off" the resultant debt and damage to business and community confidence.

But the key question is whether the main lesson from the experience of the 1980s has been learnt;  that is, the need to minimise Government intervention in the state's economy and to roll back the role that government plays generally.

While it is too early to give a definitive answer to this complex question, there are some encouraging signs.

First, the Kennett Government has started a program of wide-ranging reforms in the structure and role of government that holds considerable promise.  If carried through to its logical conclusion, this program could allow Victoria to take advantage of one of its most important competitive strengths.  This strength is that, being compact, accessible and (by Australian standards) densely populated, Victoria could deliver Government services at a lower cost per head than any other state.

We have not been using this potential because, during the 1980s, the union movement "captured" the operation of the public sector.

This led to considerable over-staffing and restrictive work practices in the operation of a wide range of Government services, as well as adding to the capital costs of Government business enterprises.

The unwinding of these apparently entrenched union positions in the public sector is an enormous task in its own right.

But its realisation is important not only because of the need to cut the costs of Government services and, in the process, overcome the debt problem.

It is important also because, if successful, it will signal a change of "culture", a movement away from a society based on allegiances formed by groups as a protection against perceived threats from other groups to one based more on recognising the mutual benefits of encouraging the individual to fulfil his or her potential.  If realised, this will provide an enormous boost to initiative and confidence.

Such a change of culture is important if Victoria is to respond to the challenge posed by the inevitable relative decline in manufacturing.

Tariffs or no tariffs, manufacturing is being progressively displaced by service industries as a source of jobs growth in "developed" economies.

US manufacturing will provide only 12 per cent of jobs by 2000 (now about 17 per cent):  here, the proportion may well be less.

Such structural changes make it vital that Victoria becomes a more competitive place for the private investment needed to provide alternative sources of growth.

However, we will not attract this investment until the Government (whatever its political complexion) has demonstrated that it, not the union movement, can determine the conditions under which people are employed.

The labor market needs to be able to operate competitively and largely free of regulation other than to prevent union "monopolisation" and to provide certain minimum standards.

The second encouraging development is the way in which the Opposition has reacted to the measures taken by the Government.  In replying to the 6 April mini-Budget, the shadow treasurer, Mr Baker, rightly focused on Victoria's wealth as one of its strengths and he did not oppose the measures announced to eliminate the current-account deficit in the budget.

If the new Labor leadership can convince most members to give priority to the creation of wealth, the state will be a good way towards overcoming its problems.

The third encouraging development is the growing acceptance of international benchmarking.  The realisation that, if our share of national output is not to continue to slide, business and government must operate on an internationally competitive basis is an important advance.

This can be achieved, as is demonstrated by the success of our artists, writers, sportsmen, singers and playwrights, when competing at the individual level.

It is at the group level that the culture has to change -- and it will if the Kennett Government is encouraged to roll back government to the point where it is truly the umpire and is not trying to kick goals itself.


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Friday, June 18, 1993

The Carnegie Challenge:  Restructuring the Energy Supply Industry of Western Australia

Vol. 5, No. 2

SUMMARY

The Report of the Energy Board of Review -- The Carnegie Report -- entitled The Energy Challenge for the 21st Century and delivered in April 1993, recommends a far-reaching, though phased, restructuring of the State Energy Commission of Western Australia (SECWA).  The emphasis is on the introduction of competition through the creation of new, publicly-owned energy authorities, new opportunities for private participation in energy supply, as well as open access to, and direct purchasing through, the new authorities for energy producers and consumers.

The need for this approach is derived from the apparent paradox that Western Australia has abundant, but high-cost energy.  Institutional factors, as well as geography and geology, are the major explanations for the high energy costs.

This Backgrounder reviews the Carnegie Report and confirms that only a thorough-going process of reform will eliminate the institutional obstacles to an efficient energy supply system in Western Australia.  At the same time it warns that there are substantial obstacles to reform, the major one being the Collie coal-fired proposal for a 600MW station.  Even if this proposal were to proceed as only a 300MW station, as has been suggested, it would still act to blunt the reform process by doing nothing to solve the energy surplus problem or reducing energy costs.  It would also be a signal that the government was willing to pander to the vested interests associated with the status quo.

A high level of political determination and public support will therefore be required for successful reform of SECWA.  Not to proceed with the process of institutional change will hold Western Australia back economically, in the face of far-reaching change in the energy supply industry in the Eastern States of Australia.


INTRODUCTION

The Carnegie Report is the culmination of a number of independent reports into the operations and structure of the State Energy Commission of Western Australia (SECWA) which have highlighted difficulties with, and the need for change in, SECWA. (1)

The most tangible source of concern with SECWA lies in the prices for electricity and gas charged by SECWA.  Electricity prices in Western Australia are some 40 per cent above the Australian average (see Chart) and gas prices are unable to offer a local advantage because of the link with oil and coal prices in the gas supply contracts between SECWA and the North West Shelf Joint Venture Participants (NWSJVP).  Typically, these outcomes have been excused on the grounds of geography, geology or the size of the local market.  The thrust of the reports mentioned above, however, is to suggest that the institutional structure itself is a root cause of the high energy prices.

Average Electricity Prices -- All Customers, 1988 and 1992
(cents per kWh, year ended June)

Source:  Electricity Supply Association of Australia

Note:  *The national figure is a weighted average


The institutional problem derives from SECWA's formation in 1975.  It was created primarily as the economic development arm of the Western Australian Government.  The concentration of market power over all energy markets (other than liquid fuels) in SECWA was an attempt to use that power to supply energy for the further processing of the State's mineral resources.  That approach to the promotion of resource development is now seen to have failed.  The emphasis on controlling the State's energy resources through SECWA came at the cost of a more commercial approach and the outcome has been a high-cost energy system for consumers, with minimal gains in resource development.  The most obvious manifestation of this misplaced approach was the fuel supply contracts with coal and gas producers negotiated by SECWA which gave it an over-supply of high-cost energy.

When public enterprises lack both competition and a direct commercial objective they tend to entrench inefficient labour and management practices into their operations.  SECWA, in particular, has suffered from industrial relations problems associated with the ability of the unions to negotiate directly with the relevant minister, effectively by-passing SECWA management.  The consequence of all this is that, according to one review of state energy authorities, "Western Australia's labour performance has been consistently the worst and contrasts markedly with Queensland's performance which was at a similar level until 1981-82". (2)

The Carnegie Report quotes advice to it that labour productivity within SECWA could be improved by about 20 per cent.  The restructuring of SECWA, and the adoption of a commercial focus in a competitive environment, would lift the performance of both labour and management.  They would also eliminate restrictive work practices which add to both labour costs and the overall costs of energy supply.  While labour costs, in themselves, are only a small proportion of total electricity costs, restrictive practices limit the availability (3) of the system's operating plant, thus requiring larger-than-otherwise-necessary investment in plant.

SECWA is not the only publicly owned energy supply authority in Australia to have operated in this way.  But under the prodding of the Commonwealth Government, itself responding to the recommendations of the Industry Commission, authorities in the other States have accepted the path of institutional reform leading to greater efficiency.  Failure to take Western Australia down the same path will result in the State's becoming even less competitive.

This realisation provoked the then Premier of Western Australia, Dr Carmen Lawrence, to push for institutional reform in 1990.  It was not until the WA Advantage statement of February 1992, however, that there was a decision to establish the Energy Board of Review (the Carnegie Committee).  Three things were noteworthy about this decision.  First, neither SECWA nor the then relevant minister, Geoff Gallop, was consulted over the matter.  Second, the statement endorsed the separation of the Dampier-Perth natural gas pipeline from SECWA and the creation of a separate energy authority in the Pilbara region of Western Australia.  Third, the statement announced that SECWA's regulatory and policy functions were to be moved to the soon-to-be-created Department of Minerals and Energy.

In other words, the process of reform was to have started from February 1992, and was not dependent on the Report of the Carnegie Committee whose recommendations were mainly intended to deal with the separation of the electricity and gas operations into two or more entities.  To date, no action has been taken.

For the membership of the Board of Review, the Premier wanted a high profile team with equally high credibility so that its recommendations would derive sustained momentum from the personal commitment and standing of the Board.  Sir Roderick Carnegie was appointed Chairman because he met these requirements at the national level;  while the other two members of the Board, Stuart Hohnen and Bob Huxtable, also had a high and respected profile in the Western Australian community.  Stuart Hohnen had been the Coordinator of the Department of Resources Development and a member of the SECWA Board, while Bob Huxtable had been a Senior Partner in Price Waterhouse.

Also of interest in the composition of the Board of Review was the role played by Bill Heron, who was the coordinator of a working group responsible for the day-to-day activities of the Board, and at the same time State Deputy-Under Treasurer and a member of the SECWA Board.  Heron had also held a senior management position at SECWA before moving to the Treasury.  Of the working group, two members were seconded from SECWA (Mark Chatfield and Peter Oates) and the other from the Energy Policy and Planning Bureau (Vince Walsh).

Thus, although the Board was independent of SECWA, there were a number of ways, both formal and informal, in which SECWA's views could be made known to the Board.  The reaction of SECWA to the establishment of the Board was nevertheless one of hurt and dismay:  hurt from the perception that the appointment of the Board appeared to be a vote of no confidence in SECWA, and dismay because SECWA had thought it was doing a good job of reducing inefficiency within the existing institutional structure.


OBSERVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
OF THE CARNEGIE COMMITTEE

The challenge for the Carnegie Committee was the high price of energy delivered by SECWA and the view that the institutional structure bore part of the responsibility for that outcome.  The Committee focused on competition as the mechanism for achieving greater efficiency and lower prices.  Competition was now seen as possible because of technological changes (especially in electricity generation), but also because of the growing number of natural gas producers who could supply gas to the Western Australian market.  With the promotion of competition uppermost in mind, the Committee made the recommendations set out below (and illustrated in Figures 1 and 2 on the following page):

Figure 1:  The Restructured Electricity Industry

Source:  Adapted from Energy Board of Review,
The Energy Challenge for the 21st Century, 1993, page 38.

Note:  The heavy line indicates the "ring fence" separating the transmission and distribution systems


Figure 2:  The Restructured Gas Industry

Source:  Adapted from Energy Board of Review,
The Energy Challenge for the 21st Century, 1993, page 59.


  • Separation of SECWA's electricity and gas supply functions into independent authorities;
  • Placing the electricity generation function carried out in SECWA's power stations in the hands of a new authority to be known as GENERATION WA;
  • Creation of a new authority, to be known as POWERWEST, to handle the activities associated with electricity transmission and distribution;
  • The "ring-fencing" of the transmission function within POWERWEST so as to allow the transmission system to be used for the direct supply of electricity to large consumers wishing to bypass the distribution system (an activity known as "power wheeling");
  • The establishment of separate business units in POWERWEST, focused on the Pilbara (POWERWEST Pilbara) and the isolated system supply (POWERWEST Isolated), to deal with supply to communities not connected to the south-west interconnected grid;
  • Separation of gas transmission from gas distribution, through the creation of WA PIPELINES to handle transmission through the Dampier-Perth natural gas pipeline and GASWEST to handle distribution to consumers;
  • Corporatisation of all four new agencies through the introduction of new mechanisms for accountability and control, which have the effect of reducing day-to-day political influence over the authorities and exposing them to constraints equivalent to those faced by private sector firms;
  • The exercise of regulatory supervision with respect to disputes over the prices and conditions of supply of services from the authorities through the establishment of a Commissioner of Energy Services.

The scope for competition out of the above arrangements comes from a number of factors:

  • Electricity and gas are competing sources of energy for a number of industrial, commercial and domestic uses.
  • GENERATION WA will have to compete with other private entrants into the electricity generation business who may be able to supply power competitively to POWERWEST.  Initially this competition will come from cogeneration facilities, but it is possible to see the emergence of competitive dedicated generation facilities, particularly if the Pinjar power station were to be sold as recommended by the Board.
  • The electricity generation sector (public and private) will be forced to compete with alternative ways of meeting the needs of electricity consumers if the supply authority, POWERWEST, adopts a "least cost supply" approach to the delivery of energy services.  With this approach, POWERWEST will invest in energy efficient consumption technologies if they are cheaper than purchasing electricity from generators.  (An example would be to supply consumers with high efficiency light bulbs if that was cheaper than buying more electricity.)
  • Large consumers will be able to purchase electricity directly from generators rather than from POWERWEST, though a "wheeling fee" would be payable if POWERWEST's transmission system was used to carry direct purchases.  This would put pressure on POWERWEST to maintain efficiency.
  • Large gas consumers will also be able to purchase direct from gas producers using WA PIPELINES and the GASWEST distribution system, hence bypassing GASWEST sales if it cannot compete with direct purchases.
  • All of the new publicly-owned authorities will be corporatised, which in principle should mean that they are subject to the same regulatory and statutory requirements as a private sector equivalent (including taxation), and are without the legal privileges which attach to crown ownership (for example, land resumption rights).

The above structure is not new:  it is very similar to arrangements being put in place or under active consideration in a number of other States and countries including Victoria, New Zealand and England.  In all these cases the reason for change is to introduce competition wherever possible as a means of achieving improved efficiency and thus lower prices.  Indeed, by the standards of the restructuring taking place elsewhere, the Carnegie recommendations are relatively conservative.  A more radical set of recommendations would have separated completely the electricity transmission and distribution functions, broken the distribution system into a number of separate regional systems, and allowed the regional distributors to undertake a limited amount of electricity generation.


OBSTACLES TO THE REFORM PATH

There are, not surprisingly, a number of problems associated with this proposed switch from a vertically and horizontally integrated monopoly to a competitive model.  These problems, and the relevant recommendations from the Carnegie Report for dealing with them, are discussed below.

Some natural monopolies will still remain in the form of the transmission and distribution systems.  Their monopoly power could be exploited through their sales of electricity and gas to small consumers or through the charges they place on transporting electricity and gas through their system.  The Report has dealt with this problem by recommending the greatest possible transparency in all of the rules and pricing decisions associated with the transmission and distribution system.  There would be no commercial confidentiality associated with these operations.  Monitoring of this full disclosure is proposed to be in the hands of the independent Commissioner for Energy Services, who will also be responsible for the conciliation and arbitration of disputes associated with access and the price of access to transmission and distribution systems.

The existing fuel supply contracts with the Collie coal companies, the NWSJVP and other gas producers have given rise to a contracted primary energy supply to SECWA which is in excess of current and forecast needs.  These contracts effectively shut out new entrants into the energy supply system and hence restrict the possibility of enhanced competition.  The only effective solution to this problem is to delay the proposed private Collie power station and thereby avoid taking on another take-or-pay contract at a time of excess capacity and primary energy oversupply.  Deferment would enable a run-down of existing stocks of coal and gas by using present generating plant at a higher level of capacity operation.

As an immediate measure, the Carnegie Committee suggested that the existing SECWA-NWSJVP gas contract be broken down through allowing direct sales contracts to be negotiated between the NWSJVP and the small number of major gas consumers who currently take the bulk of the gas supplied under the existing contract.  In this way the NWSJVP could maintain their market share, and the problem of the excess gas left with SECWA might be managed through increased use in power generation, possible only if the Collie proposal is deferred.  This would also help to eliminate the existing cross-subsidy which currently supports the gas side of SECWA's operations.

Institutional change may be a difficult process without a sustained and widespread groundswell supporting change, or a determination by key decision-makers to push through with change.  The reason lies in the power of those with a vested interest in the maintenance of the status quo, who can exercise considerable influence in opposing change, particularly where the change involves complex technical and financial matters.  An example may be useful.  In the WA Advantage document in February 1992, the then Premier announced that, quite independently of the Carnegie Committee, a Pipeline Authority would be established to own and operate the Dampier-to-Perth natural gas pipeline.  Over the subsequent year, no useful progress was made on this decision, despite the setting up of an interdepartmental committee to implement it.

The reality is that the concentration of considerable power over energy markets in the hands of SECWA has given rise to an equivalent power over decision-making within the State government bureaucracy and Cabinet.  The Carnegie Report put it this way:

As the dominant business in the electricity and gas industries, SECWA has a monopoly on information.  In particular, it does not make public its load forecasts and its long range plans.  This places SECWA in a position of influence when offering policy advice to Government, and enables it to resist the oversight of other government agencies. (4)

Thus, on the grounds of bureaucratic politics -- and the public interest -- the splitting of SECWA into a number of independent and competing agencies would open up both the information and the debate about government policies towards the energy supply industry overall.

There is a well-founded fear that if restructuring is to be left to the organisation that is to be restructured, it may not happen.  For this reason the Carnegie Report recommended the establishment of an Implementation Board under legislation giving it the responsibility and powers to implement the recommendations.  The commitment of this Board to the reform process will determine the speed and nature of the process.  The Report made no recommendation about the composition of the Implementation Board.  But it is essential that implementation not be controlled by existing SECWA Board members or SECWA senior management.  Ideally, the Implementation Board should consist of persons who have no personal or institutional vested interest in the outcome, and whose objective is to see an efficient energy supply system introduced as quickly as possible in a fair, open and competent manner.  The Board should also enjoy the active support of the relevant Ministers.

The industrial relations aspects of the reform process will be a major task for the Implementation Board.  Unless the workforce can be persuaded of the merits of change and shown that change is in the community's interest as well as its own, then obstacles will arise.  Clearly, the development of enterprise agreements in each of the new authorities will be at the top of the agenda, and these agreements will have to reflect an equitable and mutually-acceptable revision to existing pay and conditions for the workforce.

Community service obligations, particularly in the form of the uniform tariff policy, will be an obstacle to change.  The Report suggests that the uniform tariff policy should only apply up to reasonable consumption levels, with full cost applying thereafter.  Further, the cost of the more limited uniform tariff policy, as well as any other community service obligations, should be met by the government from its own budget.

There is also the reasonable argument against the creation of additional authorities.  This points to the increased administrative costs associated with a new chief executive officer, a new board and new units to handle internal administration in each of the four new authorities.  This argument is based on the notion that economies of scale exist when all these functions exist in a large organisation, and these economies are lost when separate organisations are created.  This is a perfectly legitimate concern, but the gains made possible because the whole industry operates more efficiently will more than offset possible higher increased administrative costs.  Further, it is possible that economies of scale would not be lost if certain administrative functions such as payrolls, human resources, and inventory management, were contracted out to specialists in the area, either in the public or private sectors.  (The contracting-out of garbage collection by local authorities to specialist waste management companies is a clear example of how economies of scale can be captured by small agencies.) Explaining the benefits of reform is an important educative task for the Implementation Board (dealt with further below).

But by far the biggest obstacle to reform is the Collie private power station proposal.  Even if all of the obstacles discussed above were overcome, no reform could occur if the Collie proposal were to proceed.  The State can have a Collie power station or industry restructuring, but not both.  The reason is that to take on the Collie proposal would, because of its size, eliminate the opportunity for a competitive electricity generation industry by removing all scope for cogeneration and the entry of competitive, dedicated but smaller-scale generators, and impose on SECWA another take-or-pay contract.  The Collie proposal would also extinguish the possibility of solving the problems of the existing take-or-pay contracts, which are themselves an obstacle to change because they restrict the development of gas-to-gas competition among producers.  There has, however, been a considerable exercise of pressure-group power and political self-interest in seeing the coal-fired station going ahead, despite the fact that there is no economic basis for it.

The forces at work supporting the Collie proposal include:

  • The momentum generated by the 1989 SECWA decision to seek expressions of interest in a coal-fired station, and the receipt by ABB in November 1992 of a mandate, though not a contract, to build a coal-fired station;
  • The National Party, which gave an unequivocal commitment to the project before the February 1993 election;
  • The ongoing support for the project given by the former Minister for Fuel and Energy, Geoff Gallop, who was responsible for the process to put a coal-fired power station in place;
  • South West region politicians, including David Smith and Doug Wenn from the ALP, Hilda Turnbull and Murray Montgomery form the National Party, as well as the State Government's South West Development Authority, together with the Mayor of Bunbury and the Collie Shire President;
  • Pressure by the union movement, particularly the Coal Miners' Union;
  • The natural self-interest of the Collie coal companies;
  • Support by construction and equipment supply companies, particularly in the Bunbury-Collie region;  and
  • The support of senior SECWA management and the SECWA Board members for the project.

All the above are in powerful positions to push for the Collie proposal to be accepted and as a result for the reform process to be halted.  Their motivations may be understandable on this point but their willingness to pursue the Collie proposal presents a major obstacle to industry restructuring and lower energy prices.  These forces have been sufficiently powerful to counter the advice given to the government by State Treasury, the former Department of State Development, and the Energy Policy and Planning Bureau to defer the Collie proposal.


THE REFORM VISION BEHIND CARNEGIE

Superficially, the restructuring programme appears to be a conservative one.  The initial division of SECWA into separate electricity and gas agencies only takes Western Australia to the same structure as already prevails in the other Australian States where electricity and gas supplies are in different hands.  To proceed only that far does nothing to improve Western Australia's position relative to the Eastern States.  Indeed the Eastern States have already embarked on further separation of their electricity and gas supply systems with, for example, Victoria proposing to divide the Gas and Fuel Corporation into a transmission activity and a separate distribution activity.  The State Electricity Commission of Victoria is to be restructured to allow a competitive generation section, a transmission business and a competitive distribution system.

The Industry Commission went further than Carnegie:  it recommended that transmission and distribution in Western Australia be separated, and that the distribution system be split up into separate regional franchises.  A similar recommendation was made with respect to the gas distribution system.

The spirit of Carnegie is, however, to be found in more than the specific institutional recommendations.  The overall thrust of the Report is that barriers to competition should be removed wherever possible, and positive support given to measures which will improve competition, some of which form part of the Report's recommendations.  Carnegie has not laid down a reform route in the nature of a tram track, with all the elements specified in particular detail well into the future.  What is essentially suggested is a reform process which has flexibility as a key characteristic, that is, flexibility to change as economic conditions, technology and institutions change.  Anyone expecting Carnegie to spell out exactly what the energy supply system will look like in 20 years' time will not find it in the Report.  Nor should they, because it is not possible to be precise about ail of the factors that will prevail at that time.  What Carnegie does offer, though, is that in 20 years' time, whatever the conditions, the energy supply industry can be appropriate for them.  This will be a situation quite unlike the present where it is very clear that the energy supply system is totally inappropriate for both the present and the future.

The other important aspect of the Carnegie vision is its move away from public enterprises as explicit instruments of economic control and development in Western Australia.  This may appear paradoxical in the light of recommendations to create four new public enterprises where there is currently only one, and with only a modest proposal to privatise the Pinjar power station.  The differences are, first, that the political relationship between the public enterprises and the government of the day will be one based on sound principles of corporatisation;  and second, that these public enterprises will not have the monopoly powers now exercised by SECWA -- even if some of them are monopolies, as may be the case with electricity transmission and gas transmission.  Their ability to exploit a monopoly position will be limited by the transparency with respect to their operations, and by the role of economic regulation in the form of the Trade Practices Commission, the Prices Surveillance Authority or the Commissioner for Energy Services, safeguards which do not exist with the present SECWA operations.

Future governments will have a limited ability to use these public enterprises to achieve policy objectives through the manipulation of energy prices or the use of energy supply contracts as is the case today.  The Royal Commission into WA Inc. drew attention to the cases where SECWA had been used to pursue political objectives on behalf of government which were inconsistent with a commercial orientation.  In a competitive environment the creditworthiness of the public enterprises, and of the government itself, will be adversely affected by such moves.


IMPLEMENTING REFORM

The Carnegie Report recommended that management of reform should fall to an Implementation Board, responsible for settling such details as allocating debt, assets, contracts and employment conditions, etc., to the new authorities.  It appears that the existing SECWA Board would continue to function until such time as further Acts of Parliament created new authorities.

Unless the existing SECWA Board makes an unconditional commitment to the reform process and provides all the information required by the Implementation Board on an open access basis, the scope for stalling the reform process is substantial.  Incentives exist within SECWA to stall the process because of what it will mean to the position and responsibilities of present personnel and their prospects in a new framework.  The whole of the Carnegie Report represents a comprehensive statement of the failure of SECWA.  There will, therefore, be incentives not to give complete support to the reform process.  Moreover, the backing given to the Collie proposal by SECWA puts it at odds with the need for deferral of the proposal if the reform process is to proceed.

One solution to this problem would be to use the legislation setting up the Implementation Board to create a new interim board for SECWA which, while maintaining the ongoing operational requirements of the organisation, would be at the same time fully devoted to the reform process and which could lead the rest of the organisation by example.

To generate public support for the reform process the Implementation Board should, at the same time, give resources to a public education programme which quite explicitly identifies the overall gains to Western Australians from the reform process.

One of the lessons from experience with reform elsewhere is that where far-reaching change is proposed, governments should move quickly to implement the reform.  Otherwise, the forces opposed to change will have time to mobilise both themselves and public opinion against change.  The government should move with all speed to implement the basic structural change proposed by Carnegie, and then allow evolutionary changes in response to the new opportunities that will flow from structural change.


MAKING THE VISION OPERATIONAL

The creation of four independent energy businesses, where there was only one, will change the way in which energy activity is carried out.  A horizontally and vertically integrated monopoly business is governed through internal administration emanating from decisions of the Board and senior management.  In a disaggregated framework, market relations between businesses will play a larger role.  In the Carnegie programme, the most marked change of this nature will be in the relationship between POWERWEST and the generators of electricity, including GENERATION WA.  The way in which POWERWEST purchases electricity from generators will be subject to contracts with generators which will have to cover, given the nature of the industry, purchases of power throughout the day and the year, as well as the purchase of standby capacity and other contingencies.  The negotiation and enforcement of these contracts will represent a completely new sphere of operations.  There is some risk that such contracts will not be complete, in that not all eventualities will be covered.  Their first characteristic, therefore, should be mutually-agreed flexibility and a limitation on the ability of one party to exploit the other in a situation where large, long-term capital outlays are involved.  Given that POWERWEST will not be the only purchaser of electricity from generators, the scope for exploitative behaviour by POWERWEST towards electricity generators is reduced.

On the other hand, the scope for collusion by generators may be a concern.  With only a limited number of generators possible in the small Western Australian system, the incentive to collude over prices and other supply conditions offers a potentially serious threat to the implementation of the Carnegie vision. (5)  The solution lies in ensuring that entry into the industry is unrestricted, and that existing generators do not install excess capacity to be used as a deterrent to the entry of new firms.  In addition, the various regulatory authorities would need to keep close scrutiny over the conduct of the industry.  Maximum contestability of the generation industry will be maintained by minimising the sunk costs of entry and exit.  This could go so far as POWERWEST's actually identifying power station sites and installing the associated transmission facilities, while tenders were called for the supply of electricity from plant to be established on the indicated site.

Corporatisation has been recommended by Carnegie for each of the new energy businesses.  The processes of corporatisation and commercialisation are often confused in public debate, but are distinct in principle.  Commercialisation is the process of setting clear commercial objectives for a public enterprise and at the same time ensuring that it is not in a privileged position relative to its private sector competitors for the achievement of its commercial performance indicators.  In contrast, corporatisation is the process which seeks to establish only broad controls consistent with the long-run interests of the State, while leaving day-to-day management free of short-run political influence.  Thus corporatisation should increase managerial autonomy and responsibility, but at the same time the public interest is preserved through the agreement of the relevant Minister or Cabinet with the corporate plan of the business.  Corporatisation also involves a direct accountability to the Parliament through the tabling of an Annual Report and openness to parliamentary inquiries.

Corporatisation cannot be seen as a magic solution to the problems of control and accountability in government business enterprises.  Corporatisation with competition is a better outcome than corporatisation alone.  Indeed, there is a real fear that corporatisation and the preservation of monopoly status would only heighten the inefficiency associated with monopoly status.  This is because a politically-strong public monopoly facing a weak minister or Cabinet would be a public monopoly without any genuine public control or accountability.  To avoid such possibilities, all corporatisation must take place in the context not only of the appropriate measures of direct government accountability and control, but also of full openness to the other instruments of business regulation such as the Trade Practices Commission, the Prices Surveillance Authority and the Corporations law.

The Carnegie Report made no recommendation for privatisation of any of the existing SECWA assets, other than the Pinjar power station.  Its view was that the institutional structure at this stage was more important than the question of ownership.  If, in the future, the institutional structure functions as intended, it should be possible to contemplate privatisation.  (By contrast, the privatisation of British Gas, which resulted in the conversion of a public monopoly to a private monopoly, is an example of hasty and poorly structured privatisation which, while it may have generated considerable sale revenues, has not contributed to the development of a competitive and efficient gas supply industry in Britain.)

The Report does not come to terms with the politically-sensitive problem of prices to final consumers.  This is not a problem for large consumers of electricity and gas who, in a competitive environment, will be able to shop around among electricity generators and gas suppliers.  Small-to-medium industrial consumers and domestic consumers will be purchasing from monopoly suppliers of electricity and gas.  Judging by their comment on page 77 -- "Since they will not initially be free to set tariffs and are not to cross subsidise" -- the Board had in mind, initially at least, some method of price-fixing independent of the businesses.  This is, of course, the current practice:  SECWA's tariffs are determined by Cabinet on the advice of SECWA.  Cabinet is, however, reluctant to modify any SECWA recommendations, having neither the expertise nor the independent sources of advice to do so.

This situation is unsatisfactory because of the political second-guessing involved and the absence of any systematic and rational basis for tariff evaluation.  One solution may be to go further than recommended by Carnegie, and to split the electricity and gas distribution systems into a system of regional franchises allocated to competitors by competitive auction.  This is the method recommended by the Industry Commission.  Until that happens it may be appropriate to establish a government enterprises pricing tribunal along the lines of the NSW Government Pricing Tribunal (GPT) to determine base prices and price increases for POWERWEST and GASWEST.  The New South Wales tribunal:

is responsible for regulating the prices of all PTEs which may have a monopoly market position.  The objectives of the tribunal are to depoliticise the process of price-setting in the PTEs, and to achieve a balance among the interested parties:  the shareholders (namely, the State government), the PTE managements, and the PTEs' customers.  More specifically, the tribunal acts to determine the maximum price for monopoly services supplied by the agencies ... and to report on the pricing policies of those agencies. (6)

Another issue with the potential to go beyond the original Carnegie recommendations is the structure for the Pilbara and the isolated systems.  The Pilbara is unique;  and even though Carnegie suggests a separate business unit, it may happen that the aspirations for major industrial development held for the Pilbara cannot be met by that structure.  This may lead to the creation of an independent Pilbara Authority as originally planned by the Lawrence Government.  Similar considerations apply to the isolated systems.  Each of the systems is different in terms of location, need, and the possibility of sources of supply for electricity or the services electricity can supply.  There may well be local forces wishing to bring about the separation of the isolated system from POWERWEST.


THE FUTURE

The Carnegie Report is the most important report the State Government has received on the operation of its largest business enterprise.  The evidence in the Report clearly shows that the future cannot be allowed to resemble the past.  The institutional framework put in place in 1975 has failed.  New technologies and resource endowments, as well as the gains from competition, now make it obsolete.  A new structure for energy supply is an urgent requirement for the economic health and the social well being of Western Australia.

The path of economic development for the State through energy-based resource processing has not been helped by the existing structure.  The location of resource-processing facilities is an internationally competitive one, and the best recipe for success internationally is competition in the domestic supply of energy.  The monopoly model was appealing to the planners in 1975 because they thought it gave them the control to carry out policy.  But control came at such a high cost that the ultimate objectives could not be achieved, and instead powerful interest groups were entrenched in privileged positions.

The best utilisation of the State's resources requires the combination of an efficient energy supply system with the flexibility to cope with rapid change in all areas of energy supply.  Failure to take the path recommended by Carnegie will deny Western Australians the benefits of our unique energy endowments and will needlessly pander to the short term interests of the status quo and those who hide behind it.


GLOSSARY OF TERMS

AvailabilityMeasure of the capability of generating plant for energy production during a period compared with the total energy production if the plant had operated continuously at full output during the period.
CogenerationThe generation of electricity as part of some other process such as the supply of low pressure steam or the recovery of waste heat and gases from an industrial process.
Common CarriageA requirement imposed on transmission or distribution system owners to carry third party electricity or gas.
ConservationThe efficient use of energy, by forsaking energy needs or by using more efficient systems or appliances.
Demand Side ManagementCommonly defined as the systematic planning and implementation of energy utility services designed to influence customer use of energy in ways that will produce desired changes in the utility's load.  It is also known as demand management and encompasses both load management and energy conservation.
Open AccessSimilar to common carriage, but with access subject to the availability of capacity.
PowerA measure of the instantaneous demand for electricity.  Units used are gigawatts (GW), megawatts (MW) or kilowatts (kW), depending on the scale involved.
ReliabilityThe ability of the system to meet the demand imposed by users.
Ring FencingThe process of separating some activities from others within an overall business operation.  This allows for the separate evaluation and operation of the ring fenced activity and a measure of relative autonomy.
Natural MonopolyIn an industry characterised by falling average costs as the scale of a firm increases, the outcome is that production will take place at the lowest average cost only if there is one firm in the industry.  The introduction of another firm represents a misuse of society's resources because two firms will both have to produce at a high cost level because economies of scale will be lost when the market is divided between them.
Isolated SystemsIn Western Australia some 28 rural towns have their electricity supplied by local generation units, usually diesel powered.  These isolated systems supply approximately 7 per cent of the electricity supplied by SECWA, but at a considerably higher cost than electricity supplied by large power stations within the south west interconnected system.
WheelingThe process of using the transmission system, and possibly the distribution system, to transfer power directly from a generation source to a consumer.  This comes about as a result of a direct purchase arrangement between the generator and the consumer, and the payment of a fee to the transmission system for the transport of the electricity.  When wheeling occurs the transmission system is being used on a common carriage or open access basis.
Transmission SystemThe high voltage power lines used to carry electricity to the distribution system and high voltage customers.  The transmission system has the characteristics of a natural monopoly which justifies only one system, usually in public ownership and subject to external regulation to avoid any misuse of monopoly power.  It is also capable of being operated on a common carriage or open access basis, and regulation is then also required to ensure fair treatment of consumers seeking access to the transmission system.  Equivalent notions apply in the case of gas transmission through high pressure gas pipelines.
Distribution systemThe low voltage power lines which carry power from a terminal with the transmission system to consumers.  The distribution system has the characteristics of a natural monopoly but distribution systems have been separated into regionally based systems which offer a measure of competition between each other even though they may be a monopoly within their own region.  The allocation of regional distribution systems may be done on the basis of auctions.  Similar notions apply to the low pressure gas distribution system.
RegulationThe set of statutory controls exercised over an industry.  In the energy supply industry regulation takes two forms, technical and economic.  Technical regulation fixes the physical terms and conditions under which the system operates in terms of voltage, electrical stability, load, and safety features.  Economic regulation refers to the controls over price and behaviour in conditions of natural monopoly and the maintenance of competition in circumstances where competitive firms (as in electricity generation) might seek to collude over price and output.
CorporatisationThe process of clearly identifying the accountability of and control over a publicly-owned enterprise.  In general corporatisation seeks to establish only broad controls consistent with the shareholder's (the State's) interests while leaving day-to-day management free of political influence.
CommercialisationThe process of replacing varied and often contradictory objectives for public enterprises with a single commercial objective subject to the constraints of a competitive industry or, in the case of a natural monopoly, the constraints (usually a limit on price increases) imposed to avoid monopoly exploitation.

Compiled with the assistance of glossaries from Industry Commission, Energy Generation and Distribution, Volume II, AGPS, May 1991;  and Bureau of Industry Economics, International Performance Indicators -- Electricity, AGPS, February 1992.



ENDNOTES

1.  The major reports are:  SRI International (1983), The Long-Term Management of Energy Resources in Western Australia;  Harman, F. and P. Newman (1984) Energy Policy in Western Australia;  Final Report of the Committee of Inquiry into Gas and Electricity Tariffs in Western Australia (1985);  Green Paper on Energy Policy Options for Western Australia (1989);  Report of the Review Committee on Power Options for Western Australia (1990);  Industries Assistance Commission (1989) Government (Non-Tax) Charges, Report No. 422;  Industry Commission (1991), Energy Generation and Distribution, Report No. 11.

2.  Lawrence, D, et al. "The Comparative Efficiency of State Electricity Authorities", in Johnson, M.R. et al., 1991, Contemporary Issues in Australian Economics, Macmillan, Melbourne, page 189.

3.  A glossary at the end of the paper explains the technical or unique terms used in this Backgrounder.

4.  The Energy Board of Review, The Energy Challenge for the 21st Century, Perth, April 1993, page 19.

5.  These issues are more fully developed by K.D. Cole, 1993, "Vertical integration vs competitive markets:  a study of the proposals to restructure SECWA", Murdoch University Economics Department, Working Paper No. 91, (forthcoming).

6.  Cited in Richard J. Wood (ed), Reform and Recovery:  An Agenda for the New Western Australian Government, Perth, Wood & Associates, March 1993, page 103.

Wednesday, June 02, 1993

Thought for Food

The Genetic Revolution:  Scientific Prospects and Public Perceptions.
by Bernard D. Davis (ed.),
Johns Hopkins University Press

&

Beyond Mendel's Garden:  Biotechnology in the Service of World Agriculture
by Gabrielle J. Persley,
CAB International

&

Biotechnology, Agriculture and Food
OECD

FIELD TRIALS of cotton that is genetically engineered to resist attack by cotton bollworms are in progress in Australia, with encouraging results.  Other Australian crops such as lupin, tomato, potato, eucalyptus, pine, fruit trees and ornamental flowers are all likely to be affected by gene technology in the foreseeable future.  Already in China there are extensive field trials of new disease-resistant crops, and in the United States genetically manipulated Flavr Savr tomatoes are about to reach the supermarkets.

These events are the start of an ongoing wave of technological change that started as fundamental genetics research.  The history of this technology can be traced back to the 1970s when innovative new research methods precipitated a major restructuring of experimental strategies that still continues to affect almost all basic biological research.  By the late 1980s this biotechnology revolution had moved from the pure research laboratories to practical medical diagnosis and therapy.  As the direct result of this surge in genetic innovation, hundreds of new diagnostic tools, new vaccines and new disease treatments are now coming through the long regulatory review process.

I have been searching for books that I can recommend to non-specialist readers needing to find out how gene technology may affect farming and food production.  The difficulty in this task lies less in the complexities of the science than in the vastly differing viewpoints and motivations of those who write on the topic.

When they write stories journalists search for a special angle, essentially a deliberate distortion.  When the new biotechnology is reported in the press it is almost always in terms of a purported breakthrough or a disaster.  Activist groups are similarly dependent on controversy and drama for their existence, and several are vocal in their criticism of gene technology.  Unfortunately, they tend to create mountains out of mole-hills, by relying on inaccurate information or an inadequate understanding of biology.  Scientists have a different problem:  their professional reputations rest on their ability to separate objective-evidence from speculative opinion.  It is no surprise, then, that they habitually defer judgment on issues that hinge on subjective opinion -- such as conjecture about second-order future consequences of new technology.  The result is a debilitating public silence on controversial matters when -- forthright and informed commentary is sorely needed.

The three recent books I have selected offer a way through this situation for the questioning student, the puzzled public servant or the concerned countryman.  All draw on the services of scholarly contributors, although none of the trio is overly technical.  Controversial social and public policy implications, generally left out of the discussion in science texts, are provided in a context of reasoned discussion, and in places they provide a lively and witty debate.

Of the three, The Genetic Revolution, edited by eminent American microbiologist Bernard Davis, certainly presents the most thought-provoking debate.  Of all its chapters (which include offerings by ecologists, a US Food a n d Drug Administration biotechnology regulator, a lawyer and several specialist scientists) the best two, as far as I am concerned, are the one by Aaron Wildavsky and another by Harvey Brooks and Rollin Johnson of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government.


WHAT IS NATURAL?

Wildavsky's ideas on the different ways nature is viewed -- "cornucopian", "fragile", "perverse" or "tolerant" -- provide an entertaining clue to the passionate differences of opinion the genetic engineering debate often elicits.  Wildavskyargues that the whole debate between proponents of "full speed ahead" with biotechnology and those who wish to delay it can be explained as a dispute over the definition of two terms, natural and unnatural.  "When adherents of a particular way of life convince others that it is the only natural way, so that its perceptions of how the world works become the way the world actually is, then they have won".  If this is so, then wider knowledge of how the transfer of genes between completely unrelated species has often occurred in nature, and of how the natural antics of "jumping genes" imitate the events of laboratory-based genetic engineering may well dispel some of the current unease with which laboratory genetics is regarded.

Beyond Mendel's Garden, as the title implies, concentrates on describing how new genetic methods are being used to improve crops.  The book is extremely useful for providing an understandable introduction to worldwide trends in this technology.  It provides more detailed background on actual agricultural research than The Genetic Revolution and gives special attention to discussing socio-economic issues relating to Third World development.  While it concisely analyses issues such as patenting of living organisms, the sophisticated public policy philosophy provided in Davis's book is missing.

For even more detailed surveys of both technology and socio-economic issues, the OECD reports on biotechnology are extremely useful reference volumes, providing an up-to-date bridge to the specialised technical literature.  Biotechnology, Agriculture and Food is a very recent volume in this series, specifically directed at the interested lay public and at policy-makers.  Among the issues addressed is the concern that biotechnology may have disruptive effects on Third World economies, due to the invention in First World countries of novel methods for production of commodities, such as pyrethrin.  This may promote local substitution for traditionally imported source materials.

The OECD report analyses in depth the global strategies of leading "agrofood" firms (Chapter V) and the economic impact of agricultural biotechnology (Chapter VIII).  It concludes that the alleged adverse effects on the Third World have been over-dramatised.  Positive effects, for example the probable direct benefit to Malaysia of novel palm oil technology, need to be taken into account.

These books convey the impressive range of effort going into securing our food and fibre supply for the next century, and an analysis of the problems that may be generated.  Although they do not provide immediate help for those seeking specific information on the eventual effects on the Australian rural scene, they provide an accurate global perspective that is necessary for evaluation of local implications over the coming decades.

A final summing up of public policy issues relating to genetic engineering is given by Brooks and Johnson in Bernard Davis's book.  They make constructive suggestions as to how debate on the topic can move forward.  We should, they suggest, separate concrete decisions from philosophical views of the world and technology, and try to focus on the former.  Specific decisions can thus be made to fit specific circumstances.  This seems pretty obvious really:  if we wait for a general consensus on philosophy and politics, the delays before transgenic crops reach the farm gate will be interminable.

In Contempt of America

Anti-Americanism:  Critiques at Home and Abroad
Paul Hollander,
Oxford University Press

FEW PEOPLE would try to argue that American society has ever been perfect;  fewer still it is now.  But this book is interested in examining that group who believes that American society is irredeemably evil:  intolerant, racist, stupid, and corrupt -- with no balancing virtues whatsoever.

For Hollander, a Professor of Sociology at the University of Massachusetts, tracking anti-Americanism is a life passion.  An earlier book, Political Pilgrims, looked at the way in which the intellectual class has applauded a variety of Marxist societies.  Anti-Americanism explores this theme further from a post-Cold War perspective as well as broadening the discussion to embrace the political correctness movement of the 1990s.

Hollander makes it clear that his intention is not to say that US society has no flaws.  He believes that the US has virtues as well as vices.  For committed anti-Americans, on the other hand, the absolute evil of the system is utterly self-evident and undeniable.  Contrary evidence is simply dismissed as proof of the depth to which the conspiratorial nature of "the system" runs.

Even while describing its roots, Hollander does not or cannot explain why anti-American beliefs are held with such intensity.  But he hints that ultimately it is not rational:  like a religion, it is an article of faith rather than a balanced analysis.  Indeed, for many it seems to have taken over the role that traditional religion once played.  Having torn down the value system which sustained previous generations, they needed to find (or invent) something else to believe in.

As an organised movement, anti-Americanism began in the turbulent 1960s.  Vietnam, the assassinations, and the rise of the civil rights movements highlighted many of America's problems.  Nixon and Watergate made the process of government itself suspect.

Hollander is quick to point out that in the 1960s, the quest for rights had a moral validity.  The strategic use of the law, through civil actions and Supreme Court decisions, played a crucial role in ending racial segregation and other gross inequalities.  But before long the process assumed the momentum of a runaway train.

Hollander believes that only a small number of Americans despise their own country;  but they were (and are) strategically placed -- in the media, the churches, the education system and the legal profession.  Once the notions that everyone had a right to everything and the law was the means to get it were planted, they spread like weeds.  The instance of prison inmates suing the government because their scrambled eggs were too hard would be merely amusing if it did not so effectively delegitimise those cases where the issue is truly important and the cause just.  The avalanche of law suits in the 1980s and 1990s -- what Hollander calls "the collapse of common sense" -- might be thought of as a second-generation consequence of the anti-American ideology, rather than something driven directly by anti-American individuals themselves.


MORAL EQUIVALENCE

Hollander also pinpoints the notion of "moral equivalence" as crucial to the anti-American view of the wider world.  Hence the income gap in the US is seen as equivalent to systematic political repression in the former Soviet Union, police as equivalent to stormtroopers.  "AIDS is our Holocaust", writes a gay activist.  "Reagan is our Hitler and New York is our Auchswitz".

Political correctness, the inverted end of the rights process, seeks to quash other opinions and even twist language to the views of the true believers.  Even calling coffee without milk "black" can be deemed a racist slur (it has to be called "dark").

Anti-Americanism starts from the assumption that competitiveness, differences of ability, and the desire to better oneself are purely the result of socialisation.  To prove its point, the ultra-liberal city council of Berkeley set up a separate park for dogs, on the premise that, freed from their owners' influence, the dogs would form an egalitarian canine community.  The plan failed, of course:  the dogs formed a strongly hierarchical pack.  But the Berkeley Council continued undeterred.

In fact, reality has a way of bursting in on the anti-Americans.  Nicaragua under the Sandinistas was portrayed as a haven of popular democracy and workers' prosperity (just as Cuba and North Vietnam had been portrayed in earlier years).  But then the Sandinistas were turfed out in elections:  it seems that the Nicaraguans did not share the views espoused in university halls.  The anti-Americans responded that the election was a set-up, with the conservative victors manipulating the electorate with advertising and bribes.

This sort of hypocrisy is a hallmark of anti-Americanism.  Democracy is only accepted when it gives the results that the anti-Americans want.  Tied to this is another prevalent view:  that elections do not really matter, as real power lies elsewhere.  Its location is never precisely defined, but many of the intellectual class seem to believe in a behind-the-scenes cabal of industrialists and generals.

The collapse of communism, the antithesis of much of what America has traditionally stood for, might have been expected to give the anti-Americans pause for thought.  Not so:  if anything, it led them to call for a revolution at home as well -- usually in relation to their particular obsessions.  One found "an obvious connection between the pro-democracy demonstrations in East Germany and demonstrations in the US for reproductive rights".  Another linked the demise of communism with the need "to begin the process of striking homophobia and heterosexual bias from our education system".


ANTI-AMERICANISM OUTSIDE AMERICA

Hollander also dissects anti-Americanism in Europe, Canada and Mexico.  Intellectuals in these countries spend a great deal of time trying to explain why their less-informed countrymen consistently enjoy American movies, McDonald's and Disneyland;  and, even more, will emigrate to the US if given the chance.  It is here that the concept of "false consciousness" plays its most crucial role, and here that the elitism of the intellectual class is most obvious.  Only we can see America for what it truly is, say the over-educated to each other.  Everyone else is being manipulated and tricked.

But Hollander believes that outside the US, anti-Americanism is largely confined to academic circles, and has failed to find the place in mainstream society that it has established in the US.  He does not, unfortunately, extend his study of anti-Americanism to Australia, but one might say that it remains a limited passion in this country.  The Australian branch of the breed has enough to talk about -- the military alliance, multinationals -- but to date the bulk of our society has shown little interest in adopting the ideological package, although individual issues (mainly connected with trade) occasionally hit the headlines.


ZERO-SUM GAME

On its home ground, however, anti-Americanism has become an orthodoxy, with devastating consequences.  This, in the end, is Hollander's point:  anti-Americanism has undercut any feeling of community by drawing a picture of society as a zero-sum game:  one person is poor and deprived because another is rich and privileged:  us against them.

At the same time, it has removed any sense of individual responsibility.  For instance, the violence of a black criminal is explained away as really the result of, and a response to, an endemically racist society.  The discussion of morality has been replaced by an obsession with socialisation -- except in the case of middle-class white males, who are seen as entirely responsible for their actions and attitudes, especially if they vote Republican.

Can American society recover from the assault from within?  Hollander is not optimistic.  He takes the view that if the anti-Americans were going to be persuaded by reality, it would have happened by now.  So the future is grim:  anti-Americanism will continue until it causes the society that bred it to collapse.