Showing posts with label Research Papers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Research Papers. Show all posts

Thursday, October 31, 2019

The Humanities in Crisis:  An Audit of Taxpayer-Funded ARC Grants

Australian Research Council (ARC) grants to the humanities are disproportionately biased towards identity politics, according to a new research report released today.

The Humanities in Crisis: An Audit of Taxpayer-Funded ARC Grants investigates taxpayer-funded ARC humanities grants awarded to Australian universities since 2002.

The report finds that between 2002 and 2019, the ARC National Competitive Grants Program has administered a total of $1.34 billion in funding to humanities research projects.

This included 616 Historical Studies research projects, which received $192 million in taxpayer-funded grants. Of these, 112 focused on the themes of class, race and gender; while only 5 projects focused on the rule of law, free speech, or capitalism.

These findings further prove the humanities departments are obsessed with identity politics.

The ARC states that “the outcomes of ARC-funded research deliver cultural, economic, social and environmental benefits to all Australians.”

There is an enormous disconnect between the ARC’s stated aims and the predominance of identity politics in the research proposals that have received funding.

Australian taxpayers need to know that their hard-earned money is funding research that can in no way be considered of benefit to society.

The report recommends the introduction of the National Interest Test proposed by the Minister for Education, Dan Tehan. It also suggests that another solution could come in the form of self-funded research, similar to what exists in Britain and Canada.

The ARC needs to exercise greater rigour when evaluating projects, and introduce an element of accountability at the end of each project, so that taxpayers can have confidence in how their money is being spent.

REPLACE THIS SUMMARY WITH HTML OF THE REPORT HERE.

Tuesday, July 16, 2019

Regulatory Dark Matter:  How Unaccountable Regulators Subvert Democracy by Imposing Red Tape without Transparency

Unelected regulators are imposing red tape on businesses and the community with little democratic oversight, resulting in significant and irreparable economic damage.

My new report measures 'regulatory dark matter' defined as regulatory actions taken by departments and agencies that are subject to little scrutiny or democratic accountability. Regulatory dark matter consists of legislative instruments and quasi-regulations including; guidance documents, codes, letters, and publications made by agencies.

Five agencies in the finance and banking sectors have piled on 75,976 pages of regulatory dark matter, negatively affecting businesses and consumers in these sectors. This page count is more than 52 times larger than Tolstoy’s War and Peace and 8 times larger than the legislation passed by Parliament granting power to these agencies.

Regulatory dark matter is inherently undemocratic. The level of delegation by the parliament leaves agencies unaccountable and free to expand their power at the expense of burdening the economy with further red tape.

The proliferation of guidance material that provides the regulator’s interpretation of existing regulation in effect adds a softer form of regulation to which businesses are forced to comply.

Regulators amplify the regulatory effect of legislation. For every page of enabling legislation passed by Parliament we can expect 8 more pages in regulatory material.

Regulatory dark matter undermines the ability of smaller businesses to compete with larger established firms by forcing them to devote increasing resources to understanding and complying with regulation.

If the Morrison government wants congestion busting in the public service, and wants to create 250,000 new small and family businesses, it must cut red tape and reign in the regulators.

Regulatory dark matter contributes to the red tape burden on the Australian economy which already costs $176 billion each year in lost economic output.

Red Tape drives up the cost of living for all Australians and damages our international competitiveness, reducing investment and undermining productivity and wage growth.

Regulators need to be held accountable for their role in increasing the red tape burden.

Friday, December 21, 2018

Legal Rights Audit 2018

The erosion of the fundamental legal rights of all Australians have accelerated under federal law in 2018.

My report Legal Rights Audit 2018 revealed that the legal rights of the presumption of innocence, natural justice, the right to silence and the privilege against self-incrimination are explicitly breached by 358 separate provisions in Acts of federal Parliament.

By stripping away important principles like the presumption of innocence, the right to silence, and the privilege against self-incrimination, our legal system will not achieve just outcomes.

The fact that there has been another substantial increase in legal rights breaches proves it is a systemic problem.

The Morrison government must make it a priority to reverse course and address our legal rights problem.

These findings are a huge blow to the idea that Australia’s legal system is built on the rule of law.

Thursday, October 25, 2018

Ten Points About The Paris Climate Agreement

SUMMARY

  1. The binding international emissions reduction obligations (the "Paris obligations") imposed on Australia by the Paris Climate Agreement (the "Paris Agreement") will result in significant and irreparable economic and social costs without producing a discernible environmental benefit.
  2. Australia is not "on track" to meet the Paris obligations despite extensive and prolonged government intervention in the energy market that has resulted in Australia having the fourth highest electricity prices in the developed world, according to the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission.
  3. Significant further reductions in emissions from the energy, transport, and agricultural sectors beyond those already planned are required for Australia to meet its Paris Agreement obligations.
  4. It has been acknowledged by government ministers that Australia has committed to the deepest cuts to emissions per capita in the developed world.
  5. The four largest greenhouse gas emitters in absolute terms are not in the Paris Agreement (the United States) or their emissions are not constrained by the Paris Agreement (China and India) or are not on target to meet their obligations under the Paris Agreement (the European Union).
  6. Australia can legally withdraw from the Paris Agreement, or can unilaterally reduce its emissions obligations, at any time, and for any reason.
  7. What Australia does will make no noticeable difference to the global climate.  Even if the Paris Agreement were implemented in full by all signatory nations it would only produce a two-tenths of one-degree Celsius reduction in global temperature by the year 2100, according to researchers from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.


BACKGROUND

On 11 August 2015, the federal government announced Australia would adopt a policy of a obligation to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 26-28 per cent by 2030 on 2005 levels. (1)

The obligation is known as an "Intended National Determined Contribution" under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change ("UNFCCC").

The obligation was announced in preparation for the 21st Conference of the Parties ("COP21") to the UNFCCC to be held in Paris from 30 November to 11 December 2015.  The obligation extended Australia's previous commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 5 per cent by 2020 based on 2000 levels.

On 12 December 2015 following the conclusion of "COP21", 195 Parties to the UNFCCC (including Australia) agreed to the terms of what became known as the "Paris Climate Agreement".  Under Australian law, the Paris Agreement is a treaty. (2)

The Paris Agreement consists of a Preamble, 29 Articles, and 16 principles, many of which are completely unrelated to environmental matters and make reference to matters such as "Mother Earth", "climate justice", "empowerment of women", and "international equity". (3)  For example, the Preamble says:

"Acknowledging that climate change is a common concern of humankind, Parties should, when taking action to address climate change, respect, promote and consider their respective obligation on human rights, the right to health, the rights of indigenous peoples, local communities, migrants, children, person with disabilities and people in vulnerable situation and the right to development, as well as gender equality, empowerment of women and international equity."

"Noting the importance of ensuring the integrity of all ecosystems, including oceans, and the protection of biodiversity, recognized by some cultures as Mother Earth [sic], and noting the importance for some of the concept of 'climate justice' [sic], when taking action to address climate change."

The purpose of the Paris Agreement, set out in Article 2, is to:

  • Hold the increase in the global average temperature to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels.
  • Increase the ability to adapt to the adverse impacts of climate change and foster climate change resilience and low greenhouse gas emissions development.
  • Make finance flows consistent with a pathway towards low greenhouse gas emissions and climate-resilient development. (4)

Subsequent articles deal with matters such as mechanisms for the accounting and reporting of greenhouse gas emissions, the provision of financial resources by developing countries to developing countries, and the sharing of technology.



AUSTRALIA WILL NOT MEET ITS PARIS OBLIGATIONS WITHOUT FURTHER SUBSTANTIAL INTERVENTION

Some have claimed that no further intervention is required for Australia to meet its Paris Agreement obligations.

  • On Alan Jones' 2GB program, 11 September 2018 the Prime Minister, The Hon Scott Morrison, said "... 26 per cent, we will meet in a canter ... we will just meet it because of technology and business as usual." (5)
  • The Minister for Energy, The Hon Angus Taylor MP, said on Sky News on 6 September 2018 "... we're going to reach the ... 26 per cent emissions reduction target anyway." (6)
  • The Minister for the Environment, the Hon Melissa Price MP, stated on 9 October 2018 on the ABC AM radio program "we are already on target to do that [meet the Paris obligations]." (7)
  • The Minister for Defence, The Hon Christopher Pyne MP, said on Sky News on 3 September 2018 "We will reach our 26 per cent target on schedule with the measures we have in place." (8)

This is false.  Australia is less than a third of the way to meeting the Paris Agreement obligations.  And most of the reduction to emissions has come from restrictions on land clearing practices which cannot be repeated. (9)

The best available evidence suggests that Australia will not meet its emissions reduction obligations under current policy settings.

  • The Department of Environment estimated that under the status quo emissions in Australia are expected to decline by just five per cent by 2030 on 2005 levels. (10)
  • The IMF estimated that Australia's emissions will be 43 per cent higher by 2030 than what was expected in 2015. (11)
  • The Climate Action Tracker estimates that under current policy settings Australia's emissions will be 30 per cent above the Paris Agreement requirements. (12)
  • The Jacob's Report for the Finkel Review released on 21 June 2017 contained the following statement:  "Emissions fall in the BAU but not enough to meet the annual emissions targets." (13)
  • The Energy Security Board found that, under the status quo, emissions from the electricity sector would be nine per cent higher than what would be required under the Paris Agreement. (14)  And the electricity sector only accounts for around one-third of all emissions in Australia.

A report which has been relied upon by the Prime Minister and the Minister for Energy to support the claim that Australia is on track to meet the Paris Agreement obligations actually shows the opposite.  The 2017 Review of Climate Change Policies states that we (Australia) are "on track to meet our 2030 target", meaning the Paris Agreement obligation.  However, that same report estimates that Australia's emissions will be just five per cent below 2005 levels by 2030. (15)

Substantial further government intervention will be required for Australia to meet its Paris Agreement obligations.  If cuts to emissions do not occur in the electricity sector (which accouts for the most emissions at 33 per cent), then they will need to take place in the transport sector (which accounts for the second most emissions at 19 per cent) and the agriculture sector (which accounts for the third most emissions at 14 per cent), according to figures from the Department of Environment.



AUSTRALIA'S EMISSION REDUCTION OBLIGATIONS ARE THE DEEPEST IN THE DEVELOPED WORLD

Australia's headline obligation is to reduce emissions by 26-28 per cent by 2030 on 2005 levels.  However, the obligation is the deepest when viewed on a per capita or a per GDP (known as emissions intensity) basis.  Under the Paris Agreement, Australia's emissions must drop 50 per cent by 2030 on 2005 levels on a per capita basis, and emissions per unit of GDP must drop by 64 per cent. (16)

The nature of this commitment has been explicitly noted a number of times by government ministers, including by two former Prime Ministers.  In a joint media release the then Prime Minister, The Hon Tony Abbott MP, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, The Hon Julie Bishop MP, and the Minister for the Environment, The Hon Greg Hunt MP, said:

  • "Our emissions intensity and emissions per person will fall further than other developed economies [emphasis added]." (17)

In a joint media release the then Prime Minister, The Hon Malcolm Turnbull MP, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, The Hon Julie Bishop MP, and the Minister for the Environment and Energy, The Hon Josh Frydenberg MP, said:

  • "This target ... will halve our per capita emissions making it one of the highest targets in the G20 on that basis [emphasis added]." (18)

An accompanying fact sheet from the government noted:

  • "On a reduction in per person and emissions intensity basis, our target will exceed those of the United States, Japan, the European Union, Korea, and Canada [emphasis added]." (19)

Figure 1:  Per Capita Emission Reduction Obligations under the Paris Agreement

Source:  Department of Environment



AUSTRALIA CAN WITHDRAW FROM THE PARIS AGREEMENT

Article 28 deals with withdrawal from the Paris Agreement.  It reads:

  • "At any time after three years from the date on which this Agreement has entered into force for a Party, that Party may withdraw from this Agreement by giving written notification to the Depositary."
  • "Any such withdrawal shall take effect upon expiry of one year from the date of receipt by the Depositary of the notification of withdrawal, or on such later date as may be specified in the notification of withdrawal."
  • "Any Party that withdraws from the Convention shall be considered as also having withdrawn from this Agreement." (20)

The provisions of Article 28 whereby a country can't withdraw within three years of entering into the Paris Agreement is unclear, given that a current government can't bind the actions of a future government.  The principle of parliamentary sovereignty recognises for instance that the Turnbull government can't restrict the Morrison government from reversing its promises under the Paris Agreement. (21)  Hence, the government can withdraw from the Paris Agreement, with immediate effect.



AUSTRALIA CAN REDUCE ITS EMISSION OBLIGATIONS UNILATERALLY

Article 4.11 of the Paris Agreement allows for unilateral alternations to the emissions obligation.  That Article states

"A Party may at any time adjust its existing national determined contribution with a view to enhancing its level of ambition, in accordance with the guidance by the Conference of the Parties serving as the meeting of the Parties to this Agreement." (22)

However, while Article 4.11 says "with a view to enhancing its level of ambition", this does not prohibit a country from lowering its obligations.  Susan Biniaz, the US State Department's lead climate change lawyer throughout the negotiations of the Paris Agreement, noted "it doesn't legally prohibit [a Party] from changing [targets] in another direction". (23)



THE NATURE OF THE PARIS AGREEMENT HAS FUNDAMENTALLY CHANGED

The nature of the Treaty has fundamentally changed since Australia singed up in 2015.  At the time it was expected that other nations would adopt measures to reduce emissions.  However, many signatory nations are not on track to meet their Paris Agreement obligations:

  • China, the world's largest emitter, is expected to increase its emissions by 150 per cent on 2005 levels by 2030. (24)
  • The United States, the second largest emitter, has provided formal notice that it will be withdrawing from the Paris Agreement. (25)
  • None of the European Union nations, collectively the third largest emitters, are on track to meet their emission reduction requirements. (26)
  • India, the fourth largest emitter, will meet its emission reduction requirements under the business as usual scenario, meaning the Paris Agreement has no effect. (27)


EUROPE SHOULD NOT CONTROL AUSTRALIA'S ENERGY POLICY

Representatives of the European Union (EU) have stated that they will not participate in a free trade agreement with Australia if Australia is not party to the Paris Agreement.

  • The French foreign affairs minister, Jean-Baptiste Lemoyne, stated "No Paris Agreement, no trade agreement." (28)
  • The EU Trade Commissioner Cecilia Malmstrom stated that a "Paris deal reference [is] needed in all EU trade agreement[s] today." (29)
  • The European Parliament passed a resolution to make ratification and implementation of the Paris Agreement a condition for future trade agreements. (30)

Trade with other nations is an important cornerstone of prosperity.  However, it is not the only consideration.  The demand that Australia implement the Paris Agreement is an intolerable requirement.  It would provide the EU with effective control of Australia's domestic energy policy and consequently erode Australia's national economic sovereignty.  Australia should not be a signatory to such a trade agreement.

  • The EU is hypocritical.  The EU insists that Australia implement the Paris Agreement obligations, yet no EU nation is on track to meet its Paris Agreement obligations. (31)
  • Electricity prices in the EU are cheaper than in Australia, in part because of their use of nuclear energy. (32)  This provides the EU with a competitive advantage over Australia which they are seeking to maintain by locking Australia into the Paris Agreement while they ignore it.

The costs of implementing the Paris Agreement in Australia dwarf the benefits of extended trade with the EU:

  • The EU estimated a €2.7-4.2 billion (AUD$4.3-6.8 billion) gain in GDP for Australia by 2030 from the FTA. (33)
  • My research estimated implementing the Paris Agreement would cost at least $52 billion by 2030. (34)


THE PARIS AGREEMENT IS BAD FOR AUSTRALIAN TAXPAYERS

A component of the Paris Agreement is the Green Climate Fund (GCF).  The GCF is administered by the United Nations and uses taxpayer funds from developed nations to provide hand-outs to wind, solar, and other carbon mitigation programs in developing nations.  To date the fund is worth $USD10 billion, of which Australia has provided $AUD200 million. (35)

There are serious concerns about the efficacy of the GCF:

  • Rodríguez Osuna, who was a civil society observer on of the fund's board, said "the fund has no information disclosure policy and no accountability mechanism, yet the board is approving project proposals." (36)
  • Liane Schalatek, also a civil society observer on the fund's board and associate director of a German-based green group, said "there is a real lack of transparency" about how decisions are made. (37)
  • Less than a tenth of the funding has gone to the kind of projects that make up the fund's mandate:  those owned and controlled by the poorer nations themselves. (38)

Moreover, large investment banks appear to have been amongst the biggest beneficiaries of the program:

  • A project provided $USD265 million in equity and grants to Geeref Next, a Luxembourg-based investment fund. (39)
  • $USD110 million in loans and grants was provided to Kazakhstan by way of London-based United Green Energy, and the investment arm of Kazakhstan's sovereign wealth fund. (40)


A "LOW CARBON FUTURE" IS A POLITICAL INVENTION, NOT AN INEVITABILITY

Figure 2:  Number of New Coal-fired Power Stations

Source:  Global Coal Plant Tracker

A "low carbon future", and the "transition to renewable energy" are political inventions, not inevitabilities.  Coal-fired power stations are numerous, dominant, and continue to be constructed around the world.

  • There are 2,240 coal-fired power stations currently in operation around the world.
  • A further 708 have been announced, have received pre-permission or permission to be constructed, or are currently under construction.
  • There are 236 forthcoming coal-fired power stations in China;  88 in India;  70 in Indonesia;  42 in Turkey;  36 in Vietnam;  25 in the Philippines;  and 23 in Bangladesh. (41)

However, there are zero new coal-fired power stations expected to be implemented in Australia under the Paris Agreement.

Similarly, Australia is one of the few nations in the developed world which doesn't utilise nuclear power, (42) despite being home to 30 per cent of world's uranium deposits. (43)

Figure 3:  Number of Nuclear Reactors by Country

Source:  Statista



THE PARIS AGREEMENT WILL IMPOSE IRREPARABLE ECONOMIC DAMAGE

The government's original plan of implementing the Paris Agreement emission reduction obligations solely in the electricity sector would have cost at least $52 billion by 2030, in terms of the higher cost of generating electricity. (44)  This is because the Paris Agreement puts reducing emissions ahead of reducing electricity prices or improving supply reliability.  Policy which focusses on emissions reductions necessarily will lead more intermittent, weather-dependent energy being generated from wind and solar, at the expense of reliable base-load energy which comes from coal-fired power stations.

The contribution of solar and wind energy generation has grown from around one per cent in 2007 to 16 per cent today.  Over that period, prices have risen by 130 per cent.  This follows a period of real price stability from the early 1980s to 2007, when wind and solar where virtually non-existent.  This has led to Australia having the fourth highest electricity prices in the developed world.

The government has claimed that it is decoupling the Paris Agreement, and emission reductions more generally, from energy policy.  For example, the Minister for Energy, the Hon Angus Taylor MP, stated that "my first and only priority is to reduce power prices." (45)  However, the government remains committed to the Paris Agreement emission reduction obligations.  If emissions reductions will not be mandated in the electricity sector, emissions will need to be reduced in other sectors, such as agriculture and transport.  The government is yet to outline how the emissions reductions will be met.

Figure 4:  International Comparison of Electricity Prices

Source:  Australian Competition and Consumer Commission



THE PARIS AGREEMENT WILL HAVE NO DISCERNIBLE IMPACT ON THE CLIMATE

The Paris Agreement will make no noticeable difference to the global climate, even if all nations meet their national emissions reduction requirements.

A 2015 research report from leading climate researchers at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) found that:  "assuming the proposed cuts [under the Paris Agreement] are extended through 2100 but not deepened further, they result in about 0.2°C less warming by the end of the century ..." (46)

Similarly, Dr Bjorn Lomborg, President of the Copenhagen Consensus Centre and visiting professor at Copenhagen Business School, estimates that adopting all promises under the Paris Agreement from 2016–2030 will reduce the temperature increase in 2100 by just 0.05°C.  This would come at the cost of at least $USD1 trillion. (47)

Further, Australia accounts for just 1.3 per cent of global emissions from human activity.  And human activity accounts for just three per cent of total emissions. (48)  Even the complete deindustrialisation of the Australian economy would make no noticeable difference to the global climate.

Even Australia's Chief Scientist Alan Finkel said the complete cessation of all emissions from Australia would do "virtually nothing" to the global climate. (49)



CONCLUSION

Policies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in Australia have imposed substantial costs without delivering a discernible environmental benefit.  Rather than continuing with the Paris Agreement, Australia should focus on being a world leader in something that will make a tangible difference to people around the world, such as the provision of clean drinking water. (50)



ENDNOTES

1. Abbott, Tony, "Australia's 2030 emissions reduction target", media release, (11 August 2015)

2. The Paris Agreement is included in the "Australian Treaty Series": Paris Agreement, signed 12 December 2015, [2016] ATS 24 (entered into force 9 December 2016).

3. United Nations, "Paris Agreement", (2015)

4. Ibid.

5. The Alan Jones Show, "Interview with Prime Minister Scott Morrison", 2GB, (11 September, 2018)

6. Sky News Australia, "Interview with Angus Taylor", (16 September, 2018)

7. Lane, Sabra, "Interview with Melissa Price", ABC AM, (9 October 2018)

8. Sky News Australia, "Interview with the Minister for Defence, Christopher Pyne", (3 September 2018)

9. Department of Environment, "Australia's emissions projections 2017", Australian Government, (December 2017)

10. Ibid.

11. Parry, Ian; Mylonas, Victor; Vernon, Nate, "Mitigation Policies for the Paris Agreement: An Assessment for G20 Countries", International Monetary Fund, (2018)

12. See the Climate Action Tracker.

13. Jacobs Consulting, "Report to the Independent Review into the Future Security of the National Energy Market", (21 June 2017)

14. Energy Security Board, "The National Energy Guarantee: Consultation Regulation Impact Statement", Canberra, Australia, (29 June 2018)

15. Department of the Environment and Energy, "2017 Review of Climate Change Policies", Canberra, Australia, (2017)

16. Bishop, Julie, 'Australia's 2030 emissions reduction target' Media release (11 August 2015).

17. Ibid.

18. Turnbull, Malcolm, Bishop, Julie & Frydenberg, Josh, 'Ratification of the Paris Agreement on climate change and the Doha Amendment to the Kyoto Protocol' Joint media release (10 November 2016).

19. Australian Government, 'Australia's 2030 climate change deal' (2015) .

20. Ibid.

21. Blackshield, Tony and Williams, George, "Australian Constitutional Law and Theory", The Federation Press (2010)

22. United Nations, "Paris Agreement", (2015)

23. Editorial, 'United States announces plans to withdraw from Paris Agreement on climate change' (October 2017) 111(4) The American Journal of International Law 1036-1044).

24. Department of the Environment and Energy, "Australia's 2030 climate target", Canberra, Australia, (2015)

25. The White House, "Statement by President Trump on the Paris Climate Accord", (1 June 2017).

26. See Climate Action Tracker.

27. Cass, Oren, "Testimony of Oren M. Cass before the House Committee on Science, Space, and Technology", (1 December 2015)

28. Keating, Dave, "EU tells Trump: No Paris climate deal, no free trade", Forbes, (8 February 2018),

29. See Cecilia Malmström on Twitter

30. European Parliament, "European Parliament resolution on 2 July 2018 on climate diplomacy", (2018)

31. Climate Action Network Europe, "Off Target: Ranking of EU countries' ambition and progress in fighting climate change", Brussels, Belgium, (June 2018)

32. ACCC, "Retail electricity price inquiry: final report", Canberra, Australia, (2018)

33. European Commission, "Impact assessment: Recommendation for a Council Decision authorising the opening of negotiations for a Free Trade Agreement with Australia", (2017)

34. Wood, Richard J., "Why Australia must exit the Paris Climate Agreement", Australia, (August 2018)

35. McDonald, Eewn, "Australia and the Green Climate Fund: Supporting new climate investments", speech to 4th Australasian Emissions Reduction Summit, Melbourne, Australia, (2017)

36. Kumar, Sunjay, "Green Climate Fund faces slew of criticism", Nature, (20 November 2015)

37. Tabuchi, Hiroko, "U.N climate projects, aimed at the poorest, raises red flags", New York Times, (16 November 2017)

38. Ibid.

39. Ibid.

40. Ibid.

41. Coalswarm, "Global coal planet tracker", (July 2018)

42. See Statista

43. Australian Energy Resources Assessment, "Uranium and Thorium", (2018)

44. Wood, Richard J., "Why Australia must exit the Paris Climate Agreement", Australia, (August 2018)

45. Taylor, Angus, "Speech to the National Small Business Summit, Council of Small Business Organisations Australia", Sydney, Australia, (2018)

46. Reilly, John, "Energy and Climate Outlook: Perspectives from 2015", MIT Joint Program on the Science and Policy of Global Change", MIT, United States, (2015)

47. Lomborg, Bjorn, "The impact and cost of the 2015 Paris Climate Summit, with a Focus on US policies", Chapter 15 from Marohasy, Jennifer (ed.), "Climate change the facts: 2017", Connor Court publishing, Melbourne, Australia, (2018)

48. Marohasy, Jennifer (ed), "Climate Change: The Facts 2017", Connor Court Publishing, Melbourne, Australia, (2018)

49. Quoted in Bolt, Andrew, "Climate change policies are all pain and no gain", Herald Sun, (12 July 2017)

50. Lomborg, Bjorn, "Fight tuberculosis, not climate, to save lives", The Australian, (12 October 2018)

Friday, October 05, 2018

Evidence Based Policy Research Project

The Evidence Based Policy Research Project commissioned free-market think tank the Institute of Public Affairs, and progressive think tank Per Capita Australia, to analyse 20 public policies using the ten criteria of the Wiltshire test for good policy making.

This research project was commissioned ‘to coax more evidence-based policy decisions by all tiers of Government by reviewing and rating 20 high profile government decisions against the Wiltshire business case criteria’. These policies were assessed for good process, not based on the outcome or even intention of the policies.

The IPA found that Australia’s governments, both state and federal, are failing to undertake best practice policymaking. This failure is undermining the quality of public policy and is having a detrimental impact on faith in public institutions.

The IPA and Per Capita agreed that the policies that came closest to best-practice decision-making processes were legalising Uber in Queensland, voluntary assisted dying legislation in Victoria, criminal justice reforms in NSW and access to medical cannabis legislation in Victoria.

IPA Director of Policy said Simon Breheny:

“The Institute of Public Affairs was proud to participate in this project alongside Per Capita. In an era of declining public trust in politicians, democracy and institutions, it is essential now more than ever that policymaking is undertaken in a thorough and consultative manner. Good policy process – from actually undertaking cost-benefit analysis to having a detailed plan for how a policy will be rolled out – is not a left-right issue; it is an issue of basic competency.”

“While values and principles are paramount to decide what direction policymaking should take, if not combined with careful analysis of the problem and gathering of disperse knowledge, outcomes can be dire. We have found that far too often decisions are being made on the fly without proper process, and the Australian people are suffering the consequences.”

This research was funded by a former Secretary of the NSW Treasury, Percy Allan, EY and the Susan McKinnon Foundation.

Wednesday, August 15, 2018

Why Australia Must Withdraw from the Paris Climate Agreement

Why Australia Must Withdraw from the Paris Climate Agreement

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

  • The Paris Agreement (the Agreement) is an international climate agreement which 195 nations have signed up to.
  • The aim of the Agreement is to keep the increase in global temperature this century to well below 2 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels.
  • To achieve this, the Agreement requires nations to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions.
  • Under the Agreement, Australia is required to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions by 26-28 per cent of 2005 levels by 2030.
  • There are three key reasons why Australia should exit the Agreement.
  • Firstly, the economic cost of Australia meeting its emissions reduction requirement under the agreement is estimated to be $52 billion in net present value terms, over the period 2018-2030.  This equates to $8,566 per family in Australia.
    • This cost reflects the additional cost of generating electricity in Australia as a result of the Agreement emissions reduction requirements.
    • There will also be a series of flow-on consequences which are not empirically estimated in this paper, but include:  lower business investment;  lower employment and lower wages growth;  and a reduction to real incomes due to increased cost of consumption.
  • For the nation as a whole, $52 billion could have provided funding for 22 new hospitals, two decades' worth of the Gonski 2.0 education funding, or over four years' worth of funding for the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS).
  • For families, $8,566 would provide funding for five years' worth of schooling at a local government school, paying down entire credit card debt, or four years' worth of electricity bills.
  • The cost of the Agreement more than twice eliminates the income tax relief provided in the 2018-19 Budget to individual middle income earners.
  • Secondly, the Agreement is not operating as intended.
    • US President Donald Trump has provided formal notice that the world's second largest emitter, the United States, will withdraw from the Agreement.  And the world's largest emitter, China, is unconstrained by the Agreement.
  • The Climate Action Tracker, a consortium of three research organisations, tracks national progress of 32 nations, which account 80 per cent of global emissions, in meeting their Paris emissions reduction targets.
    • The tracker finds that just seven nations out of the sampled 32 are on track to meet their national emissions reductions contributions to keep warming below 2°C above pre-industrial levels.
    • Those nations — Morocco, the Gambia, Bhutan, Ethiopia, Costa Rica, the Philippines, and India — collectively account for just 6.6 per cent of global greenhouse gas emissions.
  • Thirdly, the Agreement will make no noticeable difference to the global temperature, even if all nations meet their national emissions reduction requirements.
    • Dr Bjorn Lomborg, President of the Copenhagen Consensus Centre and visiting professor at Copenhagen Business School, estimates that adopting all promises under the Agreement from 2016-2030 will reduce the temperature increase in 2100 by just 0.05°C.
    • Australia accounts for just 1.5 per cent of global emissions from human activity.  And human activity accounts for just three per cent of total emissions.  Even the complete de-industrialisation of the Australian economy would make no noticeable difference to the global climate.
  • The government should withdraw from the Paris Climate Agreement and end all subsidies to weather-dependant energy generation such as wind and solar.


INTRODUCTION

The Paris Agreement under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (the Agreement) is an international climate agreement involving 195 nations.  The central goal of the Agreement is for signatory nations to hold average global temperature increase to below 2°C and pursue efforts to keep warming below 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. (1)  The reduction in the growth in temperature is to be achieved through reducing, or limiting the growth to, greenhouse gas emissions.  Under the Agreement, each nation sets its own greenhouse gas emissions targets and policies to meet those targets.  Australia's target is to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 26-28 per cent of 2005 levels by 2030. (2)

The National Energy Guarantee (NEG) is the Commonwealth government's proposed policy for achieving the emissions reductions required under the Agreement.  To do this, the NEG would place obligations on energy retailers to reduce the emissions intensity of their energy acquisition portfolio. (3)  This will result in a higher penetration of wind and solar energy generation, and a lower penetration of coal-fired energy generation than what would prevail under the status quo.

There are three central reasons why Australia should withdraw from the Agreement.  Firstly, implementing policies to meet the emissions reduction requirements will impose significant and irreparable damage to the Australian economy.  Drawing on data and analysis undertaken by the consulting firm Jacobs Group, this paper estimates that the cost to Australia of meeting the Paris Agreement emissions reduction requirements to be $52 billion from 2018-2030, in net present value terms, which equates to $8,566 per family in Australia.  This cost reflects the additional cost of generating electricity in Australia compared with the counter-factual of exiting the Agreement and removing emissions reduction policies (proxied by the prices which prevailed under pre-2007 energy and climate policies).

For the nation as a whole, $52 billion could provide funding for 22 new hospitals, (4) two decades' worth of the Gonski 2.0 education funding, (5) or over four years' worth of funding for the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS). (6)  For families, $8,566 would provide funding for five years' worth of schooling at a local government school, (7) paying down entire credit card debt, (8) or four years' worth of electricity bills. (9)

The cost of Paris more than twice eliminates the income tax relief provided in the 2018-19 Budget to an individual middle income earner.  An income earners of $80,000 is expected to receive cumulative tax relief of $3,740 over the period 2018-19 to 2024-25, under the government's Income Tax Plan. (10)

Secondly, the Paris Agreement is not functioning as intended.  Under the Agreement, all signatory nations are to implement policies to meet national targets.  However, the United States, which is the world's second largest emitter of greenhouse gases, has provided formal notice that it will be withdrawing from the Agreement.  None of the European Union (EU) nations are on track to meet their obligations.  And China, the world's largest emitter, is unconstrained by the Paris Agreement.  China can continue to increase its emission, unabated, to 2030.

Thirdly, the best available evidence suggests that the Agreement will deliver little environmental benefit.  Dr Bjorn Lomborg, President of the Copenhagen Consensus Centre and visiting professor at Copenhagen Business School, estimated that even if every nation reached its emissions reductions obligations, the global temperature would warm by just 0.05 degrees less than under the status quo.  Moreover, Australia accounts for just 1.5 per cent of global emissions from human sources.  And humans activity accounts for just 3 per cent of all emissions.  This means that even the complete de-industrialisation of the Australian economy would make no noticeable difference to the global climate or temperature.

There are many environmental challenges aside from climate change or global warming (which are of questionable significance in any event).  These include litter, air and water quality, ocean pollution, and conservation matters.  These issues are more relevant to the lived experience of Australians, and can be resolved, or at least managed, through voluntary engagement (such as private conservation efforts) rather than through coercion, taxes, and regulations.



STAYING IN THE AGREEMENT WILL RESULT IN SIGNIFICANT ECONOMIC COSTS

This paper estimates the cost to Australia of meeting its Agreement emissions reduction requirements.  To calculate this cost, this paper estimates the additional cost of generating electricity under the parameters of the Agreement compared with the counter-factual of exiting the Agreement and removing all emissions reduction policies at the Commonwealth level (proxied by pre-2007 Commonwealth energy and climate change policies).  This section uses the data provided by Jacobs Group in its Report to the Independent Review into the Future Security of the National Electricity Market. (11)

The National Energy Guarantee (NEG) is the Commonwealth government's proposed policy for Australia to meet its Agreement requirements.  The NEG (and, hence the Agreement) only directly applies to the electricity generation sector.  The electricity sector accounts for 35 per cent of Australia's greenhouse gas emissions. (12)  For comparison, stationary energy excluding electricity generation accounts for 18 per cent of national emissions, the transport sector accounts for 19 per cent, and the agricultural sector accounts for 13 per cent. (13)  According to Jacobs, in 2017 there were 160 million tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent (Mt CO2e) emitted from the national energy market (NEM).  In 2005, there were approximately 177 of Mt CO2e emitted from the NEM.  The Paris Agreement required reduction of 28 per cent means the required level of emissions in 2030 from the NEM is 127 Mt CO2e. (14)

In their paper, Jacobs Group provide analysis of a BAU scenario.  Under the BAU, Jacobs analyses what would occur in the absence of further policies to encourage a reduction to emissions of 28 per cent of 2005 levels by 2030.  In other words, the BAU scenario can be thought of as a scenario where Australia doesn't meet its Paris targets, and therefore doesn't implement the NEG, but maintains the existing range of policies that are in place to support renewable energy generation, such as the RET.  The estimates of NEM generation, wholesale prices, and emissions under this scenario are outlined in Table 1 below.  Importantly, under the BAU scenario, emissions will drop to just 140 Mt CO2e, a shortfall of 13 Mt CO2e needed to meet the Paris targets.

Table 1:  BAU Estimates from the National Energy Market (15)


These results indicate that under the BAU scenario NEM wholesale prices are estimated to increase by 14.6 per cent and NEM emissions are estimated to decrease by 12.5 per cent.  This gives an emissions price elasticity (EPE) of -0.85.  The EPE is used to estimate the additional increase in NEM wholesale prices between 2018 and 2030 required to reduce projected NEM emissions in the electricity sector to 127 Mt CO2-e by 2030.  As shown in table 2, wholesale prices are estimated to increase by 24.1 per cent in order to achieve the required 20.6 per cent reduction to emissions from the electricity sector by 2030.

Table 2:  Estimated increase to wholesale prices needed to meet Paris


In order to estimate the NPV cost of meeting the Paris Agreement, the rise in wholesale prices needs to be compared to a counter-factual.  Ideally, the counter-factual would be the Jacobs estimate of price changes under the BAU.  The deficiency of this approach is that the BAU includes a series of policies designed to reduce emissions.  However, exiting the Paris Climate Agreement would make the rationale for emissions reductions policies obsolete.  It is therefore necessary for the counter-factual to include a policy scenario that does not include emissions reductions polices.  To our knowledge, there is no existing analysis to that effect. (16)

In order to develop a proxy for this counter-factual, this paper estimates the average NEM wholesale price for a period within which there was limited policy support for renewable energy generation.  A logical point for this is 2007, when the Rudd government was elected on a platform that included a substantial expansion of the Renewable Energy Target (RET) to increase renewable energy generation to 20 per cent of total electricity generation by 2020. (17)  The expanded RET was eventually passed in 2009.

The NEM was established in 1998. (18)  From 1998 to 2007 there were relatively few policies in place to support renewable energy generation.  While the RET had been in place since 2001, its impact was modest.  The original goal of the first incarnation of the RET was to increase renewable energy by two per cent by 2010 from 2001 levels. (19)  This increase was largely going to be realised under the BAU, and so had an immaterial effect on investment in renewables.

Hence, this paper takes the wholesale price which prevailed in the NEM from 1998-2007 as the counter-factual.  The average weighted NEM wholesale over the period 1998-2007 was 2017$/MWh 60. (20)  This is taken to be the average price that would prevail in the absence of aggressive emissions reductions policies.

Therefore, in order to estimate the additional cost of meeting Agreement targets, the average price from 1998-2007 is subtracted from the estimated wholesale prices required to achieve a 20.6 per cent reduction to emissions by 2030.  This additional cost is the multiplied by the amount of expected electricity generation for 2018-2030 as forecast in the Jacobs report.  This is done on an annual pro-rata basis.  Applying a discount rate of four per cent gives an estimated NPV cost of $52 billion of meeting the Paris Agreement emissions reductions requirement. (21)  This equates to $8,566 per family in Australia. (22)  Table 3 below outlines the different assumptions, estimates, and costs derived from the approach outlined above. (23)

Table 3:  Annual Additional Cost of Paris Agreement


The cost estimate of $52 billion represents the additional cost of generating electricity in Australia under the Agreement emission reduction targets.  It is a conservative estimate as it does not attempt to measure the broader economic costs associated with higher electricity prices.  These costs include lower productivity growth due to a higher than optimal penetration of wind and solar energy;  increased business operation costs and hence lower after-tax profits and lower business investment;  lower employment growth;  lower wages growth;  and reduction to real incomes associated with higher cost of consumption.

A key assumption of these estimates is the increase in electricity generation costs can be entirely attributed to emissions reductions policies, which are in turn implemented though the addition of intermittent energy sources such as wind and solar.  This is a reasonable assumption.  As Graph 1 shows, the addition of intermittent energy generation has been associated with rapidly rising electricity prices.  While correlation is not causation, there are two key reasons why the addition of intermittent energy generation has been the cause of high and rising prices, rather than high and rising prices causing more intermittent energy generation.

First, there is the direct cost of government programs designed to promote renewable energy generation.  The Renewable Energy Target (RET), for example, creates an artificial market for renewable energy generation by forcing energy retailers to acquire a certain amount of their energy from renewable sources via the acquisition of generation certificates.  One certificate can be created for each megawatt-hour of eligible renewable electricity produced by an accredited renewable power station.  The additional cost of the acquisition of these certificates is then passed on to households as higher electricity costs.

Secondly, and more importantly, is the indirect cost of renewables programs.  Government policies such as the RET, solar subsidies, and the proposed NEG have the effect of promoting renewable energy generation at the expense of coal-fired generation.  A consequence is for coal-fired power stations to shut down, and fewer new ones to be built.  However, because renewable energy generation is less reliable, (24) extra pressure has been placed on gas to generate electricity.  But gas is highly regulated and hence supply is limited.  This has placed structural upward pressure on prices.

Another way of conceptualising the approach taken in this paper is as follows.  The hypothetical considered is the complete removal of emissions reductions policies.  This would be somewhat similar to the pre-2007 set of policies, where there was little policy favouritism of renewable energy generation.  As chart 1 shows, prior to 2007 there was virtually no solar or wind energy generation on the NEM.  The prices which prevailed during that period are taken to be the prices that would prevail if we returned to those policies.  It is acknowledged that there are a range of other factors contributing to price changes in the NEM, including network and transmission charges.  Partly offsetting this is that network and transmissions charges have always played a role in changing electricity prices, including in the pre-2007 set of policies.

Graph 1:  Real Consumer Electricity Prices, Indexed, (1990=100)

Original:  Dr Michael Crawford

Adapted from Jo Nova

Source:  Prices 1955-1980:  Electricity in Australia, prepared for CIGRE by Frank Brady AM (former CEO, Electricity Commission of NSW), 1996 1980-2016:  ABS 6401.0 Consumer Price Index 2017-2018:  Adjustment (15% nominal increase) to take account of price increases announced by major elect distributors in June 2016 Intermittent power generation (Terra Watt hours, TWh) from Figure 4.2 in Independent Review into the Future of the National Electricity Market


For the purposes of comparison, we also consider what the additional cost of the Paris Climate Agreement is compared with the BAU scenario analysed in the Jacobs Group paper.  The BAU scenario in the Jacobs paper does not include the Paris Agreement but it does include the existing set of policies in place to support renewable generation, such as the RET.  Using the same method as described above, but substituting column seven for column four of table 3, we estimate a NPV cost of $10 billion. (25)  This means that if the government were to exit the Paris Agreement (and, hence, not proceed with the NEG), but maintain all other policies which subsidise renewables under the guise of a different emissions reduction policy, the economic cost from 2018-2030 is estimated to be $10 billion.



THE AGREEMENT IS NOT FUNCTIONING PROPERLY

The Agreement is not functioning as intended.  U.S. President Donald Trump has given formal notice that the United States, which is the second largest emitter of greenhouse gases, will withdraw from the Agreement.  Few nations are on track to meet their target.  And China, which is the largest emitter of greenhouse gases, is effectively unbound by the Agreement.


Most Nations are Not Meeting their Obligations

This section uses data from the Climate Action Tracker (CAT). (26)  CAT is a consortium of three research organisations, Climate Analytics, NewClimate Institute, and Ecofys, which "track[s] progress towards the globally agreed aim of holding warming well below 2°C, and pursuing efforts to limit warming to 1.5°C."  CAT covers 32 nations which collectively account for 80 per cent of global emissions.

According to data provided by the CAT, the Paris Agreement is disintegrating.  As of writing, just seven nations out of the sampled 32 are on track to meet their national emissions reductions contributions to keeping warming below 2°C above pre-industrial levels. (27)  Those nations are Morocco, the Gambia, Bhutan, Ethiopia, Costa Rica, the Philippines, and India.  Collectively, these nations account for just 6.6 per cent global greenhouse gas emissions. (28)

However, India's emissions reduction target is largely superfluous.  India's target is to reduce emissions intensity by 33-35 per cent by 2030, compared to 2005 levels. (29)  However, Oren Cass, Senior Fellow at the Manhattan Institute, argues that India's commitment will have no effect on its emissions trajectory compared to the status quo. (30)  Cass cites a number of studies which suggest India would meet its Paris Climate Agreement reduction targets without any policy change.  Cass argues "India reports that its energy efficiency has already improved more than 17 per cent between 2005 and 2012.  Assuming no change in its carbon intensity of energy, India could improve only half as fast going forward and still achieve its 'goal'."

Cass cites several other studies corroborating this view.  This includes the Indian-based Centre for Policy Research which estimates that emissions reductions absent further policy change would see India meeting its emissions reductions targets. (31)


The European Union is Off Track

The European Union holds itself to be a leader in reducing greenhouse gas emissions.  For example, in 2017 the EU won an Ozone Award by the United Nations Environmental Program for its role in negotiating the The Kigali Amendment to the United Nations' Montreal Protocol. (32)

However, the CAT finds the EU's climate policy to be "insufficient".  Specifically, according to the CAT:

"The EU's climate policy has not yet effectively responded to the 1.5°C limit enshrined in the Paris Agreement ... Its 2050 goal of decreasing total GHG emissions by 80-95% below 1990 levels is also not consistent with the Paris Agreement long term warming goal ... neither the historical, nor the projected, rate of emissions reduction will allow the EU to meet its 2030 goal, at least not with currently implemented measures." (33)

These findings are supported by a 2018 publication from the Climate Action Network, a proemissions reductions non-government organisation based in Europe.  The report, Off Target:  Ranking of EU countries' ambition and progress in fighting climate change, analyses the progress made by EU countries in implementing domestic policies designed to meet the Paris Agreement emission reduction targets.  The report finds that "all EU countries are off target:  they are failing to increase their climate action in line with the Paris Agreement goal", and that "no single EU country is performing sufficiently in both ambition and progress in reducing carbon emissions." (34)

Even France, where the Paris Agreement was drafted, scores just 17 out of 100 for its "progress on implementation of 2020 targets".

Interestingly, the report also shows that there is a large gap between the extent to which countries promote the climate change agenda and implement tangible policy.  For example, whereas France scores just 17/100 for its progress on reaching 2020 targets, it scores 83/100 for its "promotion of more ambitious EU targets and strategies".  Similarly, the Netherlands scores just 25/100 for its progress on implementation of 2020 targets, but scores 75/100 for its promotion of more ambitious EU targets and strategies.

For Western European nations, there is a wide divergence between how much they talk about climate change policy and what they actually implement in practice.  This gives rise to the "talk-towalk" ratio which captures the divergence between talk of action and actual action.  To estimate this the value for "promotion of more ambitious EU targets and strategies" (talk) is divided by the value for "progress on implementation of 2020 targets" (walk).  Western European nations are twice as likely to promote the benefits of climate action as they are to implement policies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.  France is the worst offender, with a ratio of 4.9, meaning its policy makers are close to five times as likely to talk than walk. (35)


The United States has Withdrawn

On 1 June 2017, US President Donald Trump announced that the United States would be withdrawing from the Paris Climate Agreement. (36)  In announcing the withdrawal, President Trump argued:

"Thus, as of today, the United States will cease all implementation of the non-binding Paris Accord and the draconian financial and economic burdens the agreement imposes on our country.  This includes ending the implementation of the nationally determined contribution and, very importantly, the Green Climate Fund which is costing the United States a vast fortune."

In absolute terms, the United States is the second largest emitter of greenhouse gas emissions, accounting for 12.1 per cent of global emissions. (37)


China's Target is effectively non-binding

China is the largest emitter of greenhouse gases, accounting for 23.75 per cent of global emissions.  China's commitment requires its emissions to peak by 2030.  This means the Paris Agreement has no binding effect on China.  Provided emissions come down after 2030, China will be meeting its requirements.  But the Paris Agreement ends in 2030, so it is superfluous. (38)  As Graph 2 shows, under the Paris Agreement, China is expected to increase its emissions by 150 per cent by 2030 on 2005 levels. (39)

Graph 2:  Change in emissions under Paris

Source:  Department of Energy and Environment



THE AGREEMENT MAKES NO NOTICEABLE DIFFERENCE TO THE ENVIRONMENT

Dr Bjorn Lomborg, President of the Copenhagen Consensus Center and visiting professor at Copenhagen Business School, is far from a global warming or climate change "skeptic".  Lomborg is an advocate of the view that human activity is a leading cause of global warming, and that global warming is a net negative.  As stated in his chapter to Climate Change the Facts:  2017 "Global warming is a real phenomenon, it is mostly man-made, and it will have a long-run overall negative impact." (40)  However, Lomborg argues that simply believing those assertions doesn't automatically imply that any policy to reduce greenhouse gas emissions is beneficial.

To assess the effect that the policy promises under the Paris Agreement could have on the global temperature, Lomborg uses the climate model MAGICC 6, which is the latest version of a simple climate model used in all the five Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) assessment reports from 1990 to 2014.  He finds that adopting all promises under the Paris Agreement from 2016-2030 will reduce the temperature increase in 2100 by just 0.05°C. (41)  And this is assuming that all commitments are met.  As discussed in the previous section, few nations are on track to meet the emissions reduction commitments.

Australia is a very minor subset of the totality of the Paris Agreement.  Australia accounts for just 1.5 per cent of global greenhouse gas emissions. (42)  Even the complete de-industrialisation of the Australian economy would not make a noticeable difference to the global climate.



WHAT SHOULD GOVERNMENT POLICY BE INSTEAD?

Energy Policy

Energy policy should be completely technologically neutral.  This means removing emissions reductions as an objective of energy policy.  Emissions reductions necessarily favour less carbon intensive forms of energy generation, such as wind and solar, at the expense of coal.  Withdrawing from the Paris Agreement would mean the emission reductions component of energy policy would be removed.  This should not be replaced with an alternative emission reduction policy.

Rather, all subsidies and non-subsidy regulatory interventions which favour one form of energy generation over another should be removed.  This would mean electricity retailers and large energy users would purchase energy generation in a combination that is consistent with the preferences of businesses and consumers.  Most likely this would mean the focus would be primarily on affordability and reliability, rather than emissions reductions.


Environmental Policy

There is no shortage of environmental problems that need to be managed or resolved.  Many of these problems are local and tangible in nature, rather than global and abstract.  People can improve their local environment without imposing draconian taxes and regulations on others in their own country and in other nations.  Such local environmental problems include:  littering, the build-up of refuse in waterways and the ocean, waste disposal, and air and noise pollution in built-up urban areas.

Instead of seeking to impose government regulation on others, those who are concerned about environmental outcomes could instead seek to resolve those issues voluntarily.  Examples include the voluntary acquisition of land by conservation groups in order to use that land for conservation, rather than developmental, purposes;  local community organisations that clean-up litter and raise awareness of local environmental issues;  and larger not-for-profit groups and non-government organisations that enlist help to address broader problems, such as the build-up of pollution in the ocean.

An example of the latter is being undertaken is by a group called the Ocean Cleanup.  The Ocean Cleanup is a not-for-profit organisation that is developing technologies with the aim of ridding the world's oceans of plastics.  The organisation was founded by Boyan Slat in 2013 at the age of 18 with his own income.  The venture was subsequently built-up by a team of volunteers who developed a feasibility study, and then by a crowdfunding campaign which attracted the support of over 38,000 funders from 160 countries, and raised over 2 million USD in 100 days. (43)

The Ocean Cleanup was the result of voluntary initiative.  One young man identified a problem and went about solving it through enlisting the help of others and raising funds from those willing to provide it voluntarily.  No compulsion, regulation, taxes, or imposition of the lives of others was considered necessary.



CONCLUSION

Australia should withdraw from the Paris Climate Agreement.  Reducing emissions under the Agreement will result in significant and irreparable economic damage.  Based on data and analysis undertaken by the consulting firm Jacobs, this paper estimates the cost of meeting the Paris Agreement to be $52 billion in NPV terms over 2018-2030.

Further, the Agreement is not functioning as originally intended.  The United States, which is the second largest emitter of greenhouse gases, has given formal notice that it will be withdrawing from the Agreement.  None of the EU nations are on track to meet their commitments.  And China, the world's largest emitter, is unconstrained by the Agreement.

Even if every nation met their obligations, there would be little discernible effect on the environment.  The best available evidence suggests that a fully function Paris Agreement would result in just 0.05 degree less warming than under the status quo.



ENDNOTES

1. Department of Environment and Energy, "Paris Agreement", Canberra, Australia

2. Department of Environment and Energy, "Australia's 2030 Emissions Reduction Target", Canberra, Australia

3. Energy Security Board, "Draft Detailed Design Consultation Paper", (15 June 2018)

4. The new Royal Adelaide Hospital in Adelaide cost $2.4 billion. Report of the Auditor General, "New Royal Adelaide Hospital: March 2018", Government of South Australia, (3 May 2018)

5. One decade of Gonski 2.0 funding is $24.5 billion (the "Quality Schools" package). Commonwealth government, "Budget 2018-19: Budget overview", Canberra, Australia, (2018)

6. Funding for the NDIS from 2018-19 to 2021-22 is $43 billion. Commonwealth government, "Budget 2018-19: Budget paper no.1", Canberra, Australia, (2018)

7. Taking into account levy payments, and costs of textbooks, uniforms, and other ancillary costs.

8. Average credit card debt is $4,268

9. Average annual household electricity bills are around $1,700.

10. Commonwealth government, "Budget 2018-19: Stronger growth to create more jobs", Canberra, Australia, (2018)

11. Jacobs Group, "Report to the Independent Review into the Future Security of the National Electricity Market", Melbourne, Australia, (21 June 2017). The author would also like the acknowledge the considerable assistance provided by Dr. David Carland in the preparation of these estimates, as well as assistance provided by Kyle Wightman.

12. Department of Environment and Energy, "Quarterly Update of Australia's National Greenhouse Gas Inventory: December 2017", Canberra, Australia, (May 2018)

13. Ibid.

14. The Jacobs report assumes a 28 per cent reduction to greenhouse gas emissions on 2005 levels, rather than 26 per cent. The two percentage point difference is immaterial to the final analysis.

15. Adapted from Jacobs, "Report to the Independent Review" (2017)

16. This itself is an indictment of the cost-benefit analysis underpinning government decisions in this area. To this end, I have initiated freedom of information (FOI) request with the relevant Commonwealth government departments to determine if such analyses has been undertaken. As of writing the FOI requests remain ongoing.

17. The Labor Party, "Labor's 2020 target for a renewable energy future", Policy Document, (October 2007)

18. About the National Electricity Market (NEM) - AEMO

19. Parliament of Australia, "The Renewable Energy Target: a quick guide", Canberra, Australia, (2014)

20. NEM wholesale prices from the Australia Energy Regulator. Prices adjusted using CPI data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics. Note: Tasmania was added to the NEM in 2006. Data from 1998 to 2005 includes NSW, Vic, QLD, and SA. Data for 2006 and 2007 includes Tasmania.

21. A four per cent discount rate is used rather than, say, seven per cent, because firstly a portion of the revenue stream of renewable energy generators is effectively guaranteed by the obligation placed on retailers to acquire more renewable energy than they would under the status quo. This reduces commercial risk. Secondly, this paper is estimating the social cost, rather than just the commercial costs, of the Paris Agreement. It is generally recognised that the social discount rate is lower than the commercial discount rate. For a discussion of the effects of a partially government-backed revenue stream see Department of Infrastructure and Regional Development, "National Public Private Partnership Guidelines: Volume 5 Discount Rate Methodology Guidance", Canberra, Australia, (2013). For a discussion of the social discount rate see Department of Finance, "Handbook of Cost-Benefit Analysis", Canberra, Australia, (2006)

22. According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics, there were 6,070,316 families in Australia at the time of the 2016 census. Australia Bureau of Statistics, "2016 Census", Canberra, Australia, (2016)

23. Note: if "households" is used rather than "family" the estimated per household cost is $5,200. This is based on an estimated 10 million "dwellings" in Australia in 2016. However, "dwellings", as defined by the ABS, did not need to be inhabited on census night but just need to be "habitable". As one individual or one family can own multiple dwellings, this is not considered an appropriate measure.

24. Wind operates at a maximum of 37 per cent capacity, whereas coal can operate up to 81 per cent capacity. See Australian Energy Council.

25. Again, a discount rate of 4 per cent is used.

26. Climate Action Tracker

27. Climate Action Tracker

28. Carbon Brief

29. United Nations, "India's Intended Nationally Determined Contributions", (2017).

30. Cass, Oren, "Testimony of Oren M. Cass before the House Committee on Science, Space, and Technology", (1 December 2015)

31. Navroz K. Dubash et al, "Informing India's Energy and Climate Debate: Policy Lessons from Modelling Studies," Centre for Policy Research, April 2015

32. European Commission

33. Climate Action Tracker

34. Climate Action Network Europe, "Off Target: Ranking of EU countries' ambition and progress in fighting climate change", Brussels, Belgium, (June 2018)

35. Nations included are Sweden, Portugal, France, Netherlands, Luxembourg, Denmark, France, Belgium, Germany, Finland, and Austria.

36. The White House, "Statement by President Trump on the Paris Climate Accord", (1 June 2017).

37. Carbon Brief

38. United Nations, "Enhanced Actions on Climate Change: China's Intended Nationally Determined Contributions", (2017).

39. Data for chart is sourced from Department of Environment and Energy, "Australia's 2030 climate change target", Canberra, Australia.

40. Lomborg, Bjorn, "The impact and cost of the 2015 Paris Climate Summit, with a Focus on US policies", Chapter 15 from Marohasy, Jennifer (ed.), "Climate change the facts: 2017", Connor Court publishing, Melbourne, Australia, (2017)

41. Ibid

42. Marohasy, Jennifer (ed), "Climate Change: The Facts 2017", Connor Court Publishing, Melbourne, Australia, (2018)

43. See The Ocean Cleanup

Thursday, December 07, 2017

Free Speech on Campus Audit 2017

1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Australia's universities are failing to protect free speech on campus.

My Free Speech on Campus Audit 2017 is a systematic analysis of over 165 policies and actions at Australia's 42 universities.  The Audit rates each university's support for free speech through analysis of policies and actions that limit the diversity of ideas on campus.

Key findings of the Audit are:

  • The majority of Australia's universities limit the diversity of ideas on campus:

    • Thirty-four of Australia's 42 universities (81 per cent) received a Red rating for policies and actions that are hostile to free speech on campus, an increase from 33 in 2016.
    • Seven of Australia's universities (17 per cent) received an Amber rating for policies and actions that threaten free speech on campus.
    • One university, the University of New England, received a Green rating for supporting free speech on campus.

  • Just eight of Australia's 42 universities (19 per cent) have an explicit policy that protects intellectual freedom, as mandated by the Higher Education Support Act 2003.

  • There is evidence of increasing censorship at Australia's universities, as well as a growing number and scope of speech codes since the previous Audit in 2016:

    • The number of universities which have Red ranked policies has increased from 28 to 31 since the 2016 Audit.

    • The number of universities where there have been actions intended to limit the diversity of ideas has increased from 9 to 16 since the 2016 Audit.

  • The institutions most hostile to intellectual freedom are the University of Sydney (36), Charles Sturt University (15), followed by James Cook University (14) and Monash University (14), according to the new Hostility Score which measures the aggregate number of problematic policies and actions.

  • University policies prohibit a wide variety of speech, including "insulting" and "unwelcome" comments, "offensive" language, and, in some cases, "sarcasm" and hurt "feelings".

  • There have been a growing number of censorious actions at Australian universities, including violent protests against the presence of speakers, venue cancellations for controversial speakers, students required to pay selective security fees, activist students demanding censorship of course content, universities censuring academics for their speech, students instructed to not express their viewpoint, and the growing use of trigger warnings.

The failure to protect freedom of expression is seriously imperilling the discovery of truth, the core purpose of Australia's universities;  student development, which requires debate and challenge;  and the future of Australian society, which depends on a tolerance and openness to debate.

In order to protect free speech, it is recommended that Australia's universities:  (1) abolish policies that limit free speech;  2) introduce a policy that protects intellectual freedom, as mandated by legislation;  and (3) commit to the University of Chicago's sector-leading statement on free expression.


5 Worst Policies

  • Federation University's Bullying Prevention statement defines bullying to include hurting another person's "feelings".
  • The University of Queensland's Discrimination and Harassment policy, Western Sydney University's Bullying Prevention Guidelines, and Charles Sturt University's Anti-Racism Policy forbid "sarcasm".
  • La Trobe University defines bullying to include "unintentional ... offence" and says students must not use language that causes "emotional injury".
  • The Australian National University's Discipline Rule 2017, Bond University's Student Handbook, and Charles Sturt University's Harassment and Bullying Prevention Policy prevents behaviour that is "unwelcome".
  • Monash University's social media policy forbids students, in activities both related to the university and personal usage, from making comments that "might be construed" to be "offensive".

5 Worst Actions 2017

  • The University of Sydney student union attempted to block the screening a film, Red Pill, because, it was claimed, the mere showing of a video could "physically threaten women on campus".
  • Monash University has become Australia's first to formally introduce trigger warnings, which are now part of course guides.
  • A James Cook University academic is facing serious misconduct allegations following comments about the Great Barrier Reef's health.
  • Monash University withdrew a textbook because a quiz question offended international students from China, the academic who set the question was also suspended and has since left the university.
  • The University of Sydney has required conservative students to pay costly security fees which are not charged for the activities of other student groups.


2. INTRODUCTION

In 2016, I undertook the first systematic appraisal of the state of intellectual freedom at Australia's universities, the Free Speech on Campus Audit 2016. (1)  The audit, which builds on the work of my Foundations of Western Civillisation Program, helped spark a national debate about the state of free speech on campus in Australia, and has been extensively covered in Australian media and international outlets. (2)  Since the release of the 2016 Audit, the state of free speech on campus in Australia has worsened.  The 2017 Audit finds evidence of growing censorship at universities and, despite some limited reform, worsening university policies.

A functioning university, to fulfil its Enlightenment mission to strive for empirical truth, depends on the battle of ideas. (3)  Today, a censorious culture has developed at universities.  Speakers are cancelled and violently protested because certain groups disagree with their ideas.  Students are self-censoring for fear of social ostracism and academic repercussions.  Trigger warnings, alerts before content that could cause emotional discomfort, and safe spaces are coddling students from intellectual challenge.  Activists are demanding course censorship on the basis that they dislike the content.  Meanwhile, speech codes have institutionalised restrictions on free speech.  It is of serious concern that universities, the institutions designed to facilitate a flourishing debate, have instead become hotbeds of censorship and are lacking in viewpoint diversity.

These trends are evident across the Anglosphere.  In the United States of America, the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education's (FIRE) Spotlight on Speech Codes 2017 found 94 per cent of universities have policies that threaten free speech. (4)  In the past two years alone FIRE has logged 40 cases where speakers scheduled to appear at a campus event have subsequently been "disinvited" because of opposition to their ideas. (5)

In other cases, where the events went ahead, there has been substantial hostility to free speech.  Libertarian political scientist Charles Murray and his progressive host, Professor Allison Stanger, were loudly shouted down and surrounded by an angry mob at Middlebury College, in a violent attack that left Professor Stanger injured. (6)  Conservative provocateur Milo Yiannopoulos was forced to evacuate the University of California at Berkeley because of violent protesters.  Professor Bret Weinstein of Evergreen State College was confronted by 50 students in class who demanded he resign, following an email in which he rejected the demand that all white students and faculty stay away from campus for a day of "racial awareness". (7)  He was subsequently advised by campus police to stay off campus due to threats to his physical safety, and resigned his position at Evergreen as it became untenable.

In the United Kingdom, the Spiked! Free Speech University Rankings 2017 found 94 per cent of British universities censor speech — up from 80 per cent in 2015. (8)  Two-fifths of student unions in Britain have a formal "no platform" policy that bans speakers who may be offensive to students. (9)  In one case, a university student union attempted to ban major newspapers including the Sun, Mail and Express. (10)  A wide range of voices — including Zionists, and men promoting pro-choice policies on abortion — have been forbidden from speaking on campus. (11)  Books, newspapers and even songs have been censored at universities to avoid causing offence. (12)

In Canada, the Justice Centre for Constitutional Freedoms' Campus Freedom Index gave 38 universities an "F" ranking, an increase of 6 since 2016. (13)  Just six Canadian universities received an A grade.  There have been many cases of censorship at Canadian universities.  Ryerson University in Toronto ironically cancelled a panel on the stifling of free speech on university campuses after a backlash by students. (14)  In another, a debt clock was banished from campus because it was "unsanctioned activism" by students. (15)  A student was instructed to remove a Donald Trump hat because it amounted to "hate language". (16)  Meanwhile, a teaching assistant in a communications subject was sanctioned for showing the "controversial" video of a debate in class. (17)

In Australia, the state of free speech on campus is in peril.  Protests against speakers and certain ideas have turned violent. (18)  Venues have been cancelled for events, and students forced to pay excessive security fees. (19)  Trigger warnings have been formally introduced. (20)  Meanwhile, university guidelines are restricting the way students can express ideas.

The Australian columnist, Janet Albrechtsen, asked the University of Sydney, the University of Melbourne, Monash University, the University of New South Wales, the University of Queensland, Queensland University of Technology and the Australian National University whether they supported a letter from the University of Chicago to new students which encouraged them "to speak, write, listen, challenge and learn without fear of censorship". (21)  Albrechtsen found that no Australian university was willing to endorse the letter.


The legal and moral responsibility to protect intellectual freedom

Universities have a legal and moral responsibility to jealously guard their special position as bastions of free academic inquiry.  Universities are established by government legislation, built on public property, and principally funded by government grants and state-subsidised loans. (22)  Therefore universities are, in all formal senses, public institutions with an accompanying social responsibility to the taxpayers who fund the organisations.  In addition, universities must guard their ability to strive for academic truth, which can only be achieved in an atmosphere in which students and academics are free to express their views.

Universities are legislatively bound to protect freedom of expression.  All universities are mandated to meet a range of criteria in exchange for federal funding, and are responsible to the federal university regulator, the Tertiary Education Quality Standards Agency (TEQSA) which enforces the relevant legislation, the Higher Education Support Act 2003 and the Higher Education Standards (HES) Framework 2015.

The Higher Education Support Act 2003 requires that, as a condition of receiving federal funding:

A higher education provider ... must have a policy that upholds free intellectual inquiry in relation to learning, teaching and research. (23)

This requirement is extended to all of Australia's domestic universities.  This section was first inserted by the Gillard Government in 2011, with the explicit intention of safeguarding free intellectual inquiry. (24)  Furthermore, the HES Framework stipulates that higher education providers display a clear commitment to "free intellectual inquiry".  The legislation states:

The higher education provider has a clearly articulated higher education purpose that includes a commitment to and support for free intellectual inquiry in its academic endeavours.

The HES Framework also requires that a university's "governing body takes steps to develop and maintain an institutional environment in which freedom of intellectual inquiry is upheld and protected". (25)

This university's responsibility to support freedom of expression has been subsequently upheld by the university regulator, TEQSA.  In 2017, following extensive amendments to the draft "Diversity and Equity" guidance note, TEQSA stated:  "Measures taken to accommodate diversity should also not contravene the pursuit of free intellectual inquiry, and more generally, freedom of expression." (26)

There are three essential reasons that intellectual freedom must be protected on campus.  Firstly, in order for universities to fulfil their core research mission, which is to discover truth, academics and students must be free to explore ideas.  Secondly, for students to learn and grow academically they must be exposed to a variety of perspectives, even those that they disagree with and find offensive.  Finally, in order to guarantee Australia is a tolerant society in the future, we must carefully instill the value of free speech in today's youth.  As per the quote typically attributed to Abraham Lincoln, "The philosophy of the school room in one generation will be the philosophy of government in the next".

The Audit proceeds as follows.  Firstly, the findings of this year's audit are summarised.  Secondly, the policies and actions of universities are put under the microscope.  Thirdly, the importance of intellectual freedom is outlined.  Fourthly, the recommendations for universities to secure free speech on campus are presented.  Finally, the methodology, which is based on similar audits in Britain and the United States, is outlined.



3. FINDINGS

Ratings

Thirty-four of Australia's 42 universities (81 per cent) received a Red rating for their policies or actions that are hostile to freedom of speech.  Seven of Australia's 42 universities (17 per cent) received an Amber ranking because of threats to freedom of speech.  Just one received a Green ranking rating for their support for free speech on campus.

Table 1:  Free Speech on Campus Audit 2017 ratings


Figure 1:  Free Speech on Campus Audit 2017 — Ratings — Overall


Thirty-one (74%) of Australia's universities received a "Red" rating for their policies, 10 (24%) received an Amber rating for their policies, and just one (2%) received a Green rating for policies.  Thirteen (31%) of Australia's universities received a Red rating for their actions, three (7%) an Amber rating, and 26 (62%) are not applicable on this measure due to the lack of identified action.

Figure 2:  Free Speech on Campus Audit 2017 — Ratings — Policy


Figure 3:  Free Speech on Campus Audit 2017 — Ratings — Action


Hostility score

In addition to policy and action ratings, for the first time the 2017 Audit includes a new Hostility Score.  The Hostility Score, which allows for each university to be individually ranked, is a calculated sum of the number of actions and policies that restrict free speech at each university.  Each Red ranked policy and action increases an institution's Hostility Score by 3 points, and each Amber policy and action increases the Hostility Score by 1 point.  The existence of an intellectual freedom policy decreases the Hostility Score by a bonus 3 points. (i.e. A university which has one Red policy, two Amber policies, one Red action, and no freedom policy, would receive a Hostility Score of eight.  That is, three points for the Red policy, plus one point for each Amber policy, plus three points for the Red action totalling eight.)

Table 2:  Free Speech on Campus Audit 2017 — University Ranking


Intellectual freedom policies

Just eight (19%) of Australia's 42 universities have an explicit policy that protects free intellectual inquiry, as mandated by the Higher Education Support Act 2003.

Universities have a wide array of policies on everything from management of hazardous materials to the awarding of degrees, however in most cases they lack an explicit policy on their core purpose, free intellectual inquiry.  Central Queensland University, for example, has 138 policies and procedures that apply to students, and yet not a single policy that addresses issues of free speech and intellectual freedom. (27)  Charles Sturt University has a 1,600 word policy on when, where and how flags should be flown, however does it not have a policy dedicated to free intellectual inquiry on campus. (28)

Figure 4:  Australian universities with policy that protects intellectual freedom


The eight universities which have policies that protect free intellectual inquiry are Curtin University, Deakin University, University of Melbourne, University of Queensland, University of New England, University of Notre Dame Australia, University of Sydney, and University of Tasmania.  They vary in quality, however.  The University of Queensland and University of Tasmania policies are limited in scope and only explicitly applicable to staff, potentially breaching the requirement that free intellectual inquiry be extended to "learning". (29)  Some of Australia's universities do mention academic freedom in either enterprise bargaining agreements, or as part of other policies, however do not maintain standalone policies on academic freedom. (30)

In other cases, the policies should be commended for broad wording and scope.  For example, Curtin University states:  "The University will recognise and protect the right of all staff and students at the University to freely and honestly engage in critical enquiry, scholarly endeavour and public discourse, and to participate in public debate without censorship or fear of professional disadvantage or penalty". (31)

In particular, the University of Melbourne should be commended for its Academic Freedom of Expression Policy policy, and it is here reproduced in full (See Box 1).  This policy is an inspiration for all of Australia's universities.

Box 1:  University of Melbourne's Academic Freedom of Expression Policy

A core value of the University of Melbourne is to preserve, defend and promote the traditional principles of academic freedom in the conduct of its affairs, so that all scholars at the University are free to engage in critical enquiry, scholarly endeavour and public discourse without fear or favour.

Accordingly, the University supports the right of all scholars at the University to search for truth, and to hold and express diverse opinions.  It recognises that scholarly debate should be robust and uninhibited.  It recognises also that scholars are entitled to express their ideas and opinions even when doing so may cause offence.  These principles apply to all activities in which scholars express their views both inside and outside the University

The liberty to speak freely extends to making statements on political matters, including policies affecting higher education, and to criticism of the University and its actions.

Scholars at the University should expect to be able to exercise academic freedom of expression and not be disadvantaged or subjected to less favourable treatment by the University for doing so.


Changes since 2016

The 2017 Audit has found an increase in Red rated universities from 33 of Australia's 42 universities to 34, and a corresponding decrease by one Amber rated universities to seven.  There has been no change in Green rated universities, which remains one.

Table 3:  Universities with changing ratings between 2016 and 2017


Figure 5:  Australian University Ratings — Overall — 2016-2017


There has been an increase in censorious policies and actions.  The number of universities which have Red ranked policies has increased from 28 to 31 since the 2016 Audit.  The number of universities where there have been actions to limit the diversity of ideas, including Red and Amber rated actions, has increased from 9 to 16 since the 2016 Audit.

Table 4:  Policy and action changes between 2016 and 2017 Audit


There has been a variety of changes in policy and action ratings across institutions.

Table 5:  Policy and action rating changes by university between 2016 and 2017 Audit



4. WHAT ARE THE THREATS TO FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION?

Speech codes

University policies, created under legislation that establishes the university, carry formal legal standing. (32)  The 2016 Audit identified three main types of policies that restrict freedom of expression at Australia's universities.  These type of policies have expanded since the previous Audit.

Firstly, harassment and bullying policies, that, while created with benign intentions, are often worded in such a vague and broad manner that they seriously threaten free speech on campus.  Policies that prevent offensive behaviour, hurt feelings, or unwelcome comments, have a serious chilling effect on speech.  These speech codes encourage students and academics to err on the side of caution rather than express a potentially controversial idea, and could be used to punish students for expressing their opinion.

Box 2:  Spotlight on new speech codes since previous Audit

  • The Australian National University's Discipline Rule 2017 prevents behaviour that is "unwelcome".
  • Charles Sturt University has introduced a range of policies that limit freedom of expression on campus (See Box 4).
  • James Cook University's recently introduced Discrimination, Bullying and Harassment Policy prevents behavior that "makes a person feel offended".
  • La Trobe University's new policy defines bullying to include "unintentional ... offence" and states that students must not use language that causes "emotional injury".
  • Monash University's Civil Disturbance Policy broadly defines "breach of the peace" to include "offensive behaviour".
  • RMIT University's updated Student Conduct Regulations forbids students from behaving in an "offensive" manner that makes "any others feel unsafe".
  • The University of Canberra's new Human Rights and Discrimination Policy defines harassment to include "offensive" conduct towards an individual or group.
  • The University of Sunshine Coast's new definition of bullying includes unintentional "offensive language or comments", and "unwelcome" behaviour in its definition of harassment;  as well as, in a new social media policy that applies to personal social media usage, forbids posting material that "might be construed to be ... offensive".
  • The University of Wollongong's recently amended Respect for Diversity Policy defines harassment to include behaviour that is "unwelcome" or "offensive ... to the recipient/s".
  • Curtin University's Residence Handbook prevents students from displaying "material considered to be offensive by Management".

As the 2016 Audit stated:  "In practice these policies require students to assess each other's subjective individual sensitiveness before speaking".  This is an impossible task that requires students to read the minds of others before making comments.  University policies could be used against everything from inappropriate jokes that some students find offensive, to forbidding students from expressing an idea simply because it makes their classmates feel uncomfortable.

Box 3:  Speech code examples

  • Murdoch University's By-Laws state that assault and abuse includes "insulting language" or "offensive" behaviour.  Murdoch prescribes a $50 penalty to every person who breaks this by-law.
  • Federation University's Bullying Prevention statement includes hurting another person's "feelings" as a definition of bullying.
  • Central Queensland University's Student Behavioural Misconduct provision prevents behaviour that "could offend" or "embarrass".
  • The University of Queensland's Discrimination and Harassment policy, as well as Western Sydney University's Bullying Prevention Guidelines, forbid "sarcasm".
  • Bond University's Social Media policy forbids students from making "offensive comments" on the internet.  Bond's Student Handbook forbids behaviour that is "unwelcome".
  • Monash University's social media policy prevents students, in activities both related to the university and personal usage, from making comments that "might be construed" to be "offensive".
  • Federation University's Electronic Communications policy defines inappropriate usage of internet facilities to include "accessing or posting ... material that may create or promulgate a negative impression of the University".
  • The University of New South Wales' Diversity Toolkit states it is inappropriate to say that "Aboriginal people have lived in Australia for 40,000 years", but rather it must be said that Indigenous Australians have been here "... since the beginning of the Dreaming/s", prioritising spiritual understanding over historic fact.

Secondly, information technology, internet usage and social media policies can be even more wide ranging, and seek to limit free expression on and off campus.  These include policies that seek to control student personal use of social media, as well as policies that forbid students from criticising their academic institution.

Finally, there are language toolkits and speech guidelines that dictate to students how to express themselves on campus.  These guidelines enforce politically correct language, rather than allowing students to express themselves freely.

There have been a number of changes to policies since the 2016 Audit.  The most prominent and concerning case is that of Charles Sturt University (See Box 4).  There has, however, been some progress at other institutions.  Central Queensland University, for example, has amended its Code of Conduct to no longer prevent behaviour simply on the criteria that it "may be unwelcome", and the University of Melbourne (See Box 5) has reformed its policies.

Box 4:  Spotlight on Charles Sturt University

Since the 2016 Audit, Charles Sturt University has introduced several policies that substantially restrict free speech on campus, and, accordingly, has been downgraded from an Amber to a Red institution in the 2017 Audit.

Firstly, in an extraordinary step, the University is introducing a new requirement for "Indigenous Australian Content in Courses" by 2020 that seriously threatens student choice and academic freedom.  All Indigenous content must be centrally approved, giving one set of academics and administrators the power to decide what and how is it is taught.  Students will also be taught very specific knowledge, for example, "The Dreaming as worldview and law".  In practice, the requirements re-purpose the university from a place about exploring ideas, to teaching very specific and narrow topics in every course in an uncritical manner.

Secondly, Charles Sturt has imposed a new "Anti-Racism Policy" with an explicit ideological bent.  The policy claims racism is "best understood when acknowledging the context of power, oppression and privilege", adopting an explicitly post-modern definition of racism which is heavily contested, and rejecting the traditional definition of racism:  the harbouring of specific racist beliefs.  In addition, the policy states that curriculum design must be undertaken in a "racially sensitive and culturally inclusive" manner, preventing the at-times necessary criticism of particular cultures.

Thirdly, the university has a very broad Harassment and Bullying Behaviour guidelines which include, in the definition of bullying, "offensive language", "ridicule", as well as "sarcasm", threatening a wide array of genuine debate and discussion in class if it, in the subjective view of the accessor, was offensive or sarcastic.

Fourthly, the Student Charter states that students are "expected to value" explicitly ideological political causes, such as "social justice including ethical practice and global citizenship", as well as "economic, social and environmental sustainability, including the responsible stewardship of resources".  A University, by stating particular social goals, inherently threatens any students who might wish to express a different perspective on these issues.

Finally, along a similar theme, the University's Responsible Investment Guidelines has an explicit ideological bent, not just preventing investments in tobacco and gambling, but also activities related to coal seam gas.  This, by taking a position on a contemporary policy issue, threatens students with different perspectives.


Box 5:  Spotlight on the University of Melbourne

Since the 2016 Audit, the University of Melbourne has reformed its policies, and consequently has been upgraded from a Red to an Amber rating.  It is notable that these reforms came after vice-chancellor Glyn Davis engaged with the content of last year's Audit.

In the 2016 Audit, the University of Melbourne received a Red policy ranking for its Equal Opportunity Policy, which potentially censored a wide array of speech by defining bullying to include "offensive language" that would "undermine" another person.  This policy has since been repealed, and these issues have been incorporated into a new policy, the Appropriate Workplace Behaviour Policy (MPF1328).

The Appropriate Workplace Behaviour Policy clearly distinguishes between sections applicable to staff, as per the requirements of the Fair Work Act 2009 and other legislation, and those applicable to students.  The policy accurately defines the term bullying to only include behaviour that is unreasonable and repeated, and not merely offensive:

Bullying means repeated behaviour that a reasonable person, having regard to all the circumstances, would anticipate to be humiliating, intimidating, undermining or threatening and which causes a risk to health and safety.

The policy also explicitly states that it aims to be consistent with the University's values, which include that "all scholars at the University are free to engage in critical enquiry, scholarly endeavour and public discourse without fear or favour".  The University of Melbourne is also one of the few universities which has an Academic Freedom of Expression Policy.

Nevertheless, the University did receive an Amber rating for the unreformed Provision and Acceptable Use of IT Policy, which could be used against students for spreading "offensive or menacing images" and does not include a reasonable person test.


Actions

There have been a substantial number of actions taken by university administrators and students which limit the diversity of ideas on campus.  These actions have a chilling effect on the ability of academics and students to explore ideas for fear of repercussions.  A history of censorious actions discourages students from advocating for certain causes and voicing unpopular opinions.

Opinions, ideas and statements that are legal in Australian society at large should not be silenced on campus.  The claim that certain ideas are too dangerous to be heard, and therefore speakers banned or events cancelled, prevents students from making up their own mind about the complex issues of the day.  This is insulting to Australia's best and brightest who have made it to university.

The exception, of course, is speech which is illegal in Australian society, such as if a speaker were to incite violence.  Nevertheless, censorship at Australia's universities in almost all cases is nowhere near the margin of illegal activity.

Box 6:  Spotlight on new actions since previous Audit

  • There have been a wide array of censorious activities at the University of Sydney (See Box 7).
  • A James Cook University academic is facing serious misconduct allegations following comments about the Great Barrier Reef's health.
  • The University of Adelaide, University of South Australia and Edith Cowan University banned a "nutrition expert", Christine Cronau, from holding events on campus.
  • Monash University has become Australia's first to introduce trigger warnings as part of course guides.
  • UNSW has told students not to use the world "marriage" when referring to the "marriage theorem" in mathematics because this could cause "offence".
  • Monash University withdrew a textbook, and the University of Sydney issued an apology, after academics offended Chinese international students.  The University of Newcastle faced a social media backlash after an academic refused to amend a slide that offended Chinese international students (See Box 9).
  • An Australian National University student newspaper sub-editor censored student opinion pieces following the election of Donald Trump as President of the United States.

Speakers have been cancelled and violently protested, students have been instructed not to voice certain ideas in class, and, in other cases, activist students themselves have demanded censorship and refuse to debate certain topics.  A policy motion at the annual conference of the National Union of Students, the fomal representative body of Australian students, in late 2016 called for protests against "conservative" figures, and to oppose their speaking on campus. (33)  The students also discussed the introduction of trigger warnings.

University of Melbourne Senior Lecturer Lauren Rosewarne has sounded the alarm about students who are not willing to engage with ideas.  Rosewarne writes that some students are unwilling to do readings that conflict with their pre-existing views.  "This year for example, I had a slew of students arrive having already decided that radical feminism — not my political bent, no, but essential to cover — is oppressive devilry.  Which means that when they're in tutorials, they politically opposed to engagement.  That they didn't do the assigned reading in some kind of bizarre (and lazy) protest."

Box 7:  Spotlight on the University of Sydney

The University of Sydney has topped the Hostility Score ranking in the Free Speech on Campus Audit 2017.  This is, chiefly, due to an extensive set of censorious actions.  The university, as well as students, has on many occasions sought to limit the diversity of ideas on campus.

In the past, the student union has attempted to ban student clubs such as the Brotherhood Recreation and Outreach and threatened to deregister Christian clubs, speakers have been violently protested and in other cases banned from campus, academics have been sacked, and the university almost refused to host the Dalai Lama.

Since last year's Audit, the student union attempted to block the screening of the controversial Red Pill film because, it was claimed, that showing the film could "physically threaten women on campus".  The university has charged security fees to conservative students which are not charged for the activities of other student groups.  Meanwhile, a student protest against "No" campaigners in the same-sex marriage referendum turned violent, requiring police attendance.

The University has also refused to provide students with a venue to host Australian Christian Lobby head Lyle Shelton.  In another case, a student was told he could not link anti-Israel sentiment to anti-Semitism.  The University also succumbed to demands for censorship, apologising after complaints were made by Chinese international students about a map in a lecture which showed disputed territory inside India rather than China.

The University of Sydney case displays that, even with minimal explicit policies that damage intellectual freedom, as well as a Charter of Academic Freedom, the actions by both students and administrators can speak louder than words.  This has a serious chilling effect on the ability of staff and students to express ideas.


Since the previous audit in 2016, there has been an upsurge in cases of censorship (See Box 6).  There have been a range of issues at the University of Sydney (See Box 7), as well as the emerging issue of Chinese international students complaining about teaching not aligning with Chinese foreign policy (See Box 9).

The 2016 Audit predicted that "the situation [for free speech] will likely only worsen before it improves" and drew particular attention to "trigger warnings (content disclaimers to stop students from feeling uncomfortable) [becoming] increasingly popular on Australian university campuses".  This prediction has proven accurate.  Since the previous Audit, Monash University has become Australia's first to introduce trigger warnings in formal university policy, and there is growing usage of trigger warnings on official university websites. (34)

Box 8:  Actions

  • Queensland University of Technology (QUT) students faced years of procedural run-ins, which culminated in a federal court case under section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act for expressing opposition to the existence of a computer lab on campus reserved for Aboriginal students.
  • Foreign Minister Julie Bishop was interrupted and subsequently physically assaulted during a visit to the University of Sydney.
  • Former Liberal MP Sophie Mirabella was shouted down and physically confronted during a guest lecture at the University of Melbourne.
  • Former Prime Minister Tony Abbott was forced to cancel a visit to Deakin University following security and logistical issues posed by student protests.
  • Retired British Army Colonel, Richard Kemp, a supporter of the Israeli Defence Force's human rights record, was prevented from addressing a public lecture due to a protest including staff and students.
  • Former Israeli Navy SEAL, Yoaz Hendel, was protested while speaking at the University of Sydney.
  • The University of Western Australia rejected the establishment of the Australia Consensus Centre led by Danish author and environmentalist Bjørn Lomborg following a public campaign against the centre.
  • The University of Sydney initially banned a visit by the Dalai Lama, though following public outrage reversed this decision.
  • The University of Sydney, University of Western Australia, and Australian National University cancelled events which included speakers associated with pan-Islamic political organisation, Hizb ut-Tahrir.
  • Socialist students at Deakin University were removed from campus for wearing T-shirts, and distributing stickers, badges and stubby holders, which read "Up Yours Abbott".
  • Students were expelled from a residential college at James Cook University in response to jokes about religion during a music competition.
  • Liberal student delegates have been prevented from speaking at the National Union of Students' (NUS) national conferences through procedural measures and being shouted over.
  • University of Queensland Student Union has previously banned the Newman Society, a catholic student group, from conducting pro-life activity.

There are, however, some positive actions that should be noted.  The University of Tasmania allowed a "No" campaign event during the same-sex marriage debate to be held on the campus, despite extensive protests and demands for censorship. (35)  Murdoch University was willing to host "nutrition expert" Christine Cronau despite a backlash and cancellations by the University of Adelaide, University of South Australia and Edith Cowan University. (36)  A Murdoch University spokesperson responded to concerns about hosting the controversial speaker that "Murdoch University, as an institution of learning, works to promote critical thinking and learning through discussion, debate and exposure to alternatives points of view.  One way to achieve this is to welcome other voices on campus in the form of guest speakers or visiting lecturers".  In another case, three university students who were jailed 45 years ago for protesting against the Vietnam War on campus were invited back to La Trobe University as honoured guests. (37)

An emerging issue of concern is natural justice and procedural fairness.  Claims of student harassment and bullying are typically confidential, and rarely discussed in the public domain.  There are confidentiality provisions contained in many university speech code policies.  For example, the Australian Catholic University's Discrimination and Harassment policy declares that all parties "must not disclose, by any form of communication, either the fact or the substance of the matter" to anyone other than a staff representative, a counsellor or medical professional. (38)  This would, presumably, prevent a student from discussing matters with a lawyer, family member, or partner.

In one misconduct of case, where these matters have reached the public domain, the process appears to be heavy handed.  The Socialist Alternative at the University of Sydney has complained about a two year process of multiple hearings in relation to an allegation that a flag was stolen from a Jewish student stall. (39)  The Socialist Alternative claims it was unfairly presumed to be guilty.  This case raises serious questions about the capability of university administrators to act fairly and impartially in this, and other cases, where they need to meet the principles of natural justice.

Box 9:  Spotlight in international students from China

An emerging threat to free speech on campus are specific demands by Chinese international students for censorship of academic material that does not align with Chinese government foreign policy.

At the University of Newcastle, a lecturer who listed Hong Kong and Taiwan as separate territories faced social media condemnation, and even Chinese consulate pressure.  This came after an offended student covertly recorded, and uploaded, their censorious demands.  "You have to consider all the students' feelings", the student says in the widely shared video.  "You have to show your respect".  In this the case, the lecturer appropriately responded:  "If you feel offended about it, that is your opinion."

In other instances universities have not stood up to the pressure.  The University of Sydney apologised after a lecturer used a map that displayed disputed territory as part of India and Bhutan rather than within China's borders.  Monash University has withdrawn a textbook that included a quiz question which offended Chinese students.  The Monash academic who set the quiz was temporarily suspended, and has now voluntarily left the university following the furore.

It is important, in the face of financial pressures and substantial revenue from international students, that Australia's universities maintain their position as institutions of free intellectual inquiry.



5. WHY IS INTELLECTUAL FREEDOM IMPORTANT?

In an era of global political uncertainty, the free flow of ideas has never been more important.  It is the very essence of living in a liberal, free and democratic society that all members are able to think freely and, accordingly, express themselves with minimal restraint.  The freedom to express oneself is particularly paramount at universities.  In order for universities to function, to encourage student intellectual development, and to behave as an exemplar for Australian society, universities must be places where all are able to express themselves without fear of repercussion.

In the United States this point has been made across the political spectrum, from Democrat Senator Elizabeth Warren and former President Barack Obama, to Republican legislators. (40)  In response to free speech on campus issues in 2015, President Obama said:  "You don't have to be fearful of somebody spouting bad ideas.  Just out-argue them.  Beat 'em.  Make the case as to why they're wrong.  Win over adherents.  That's how things work in a democracy". (41)

British philosopher J.S. Mill, in the second chapter of On Liberty, argues that the mental wellbeing of humankind depends on freedom of opinion, and, accordingly, the ability to express opinions.  Mill presents the utilitarian consequentialist argument against restricting free speech. (42)  Firstly, he posits that restricting freedom of speech assumes a level of superiority of knowledge that simply does not exist.  By dismissing someone else's ideas you are assuming an impossible infallibility of your viewpoint.  Secondly, it prevents the ability for criticism to help develop ideas and find the truth (one of the primary purposes of a university).  Thirdly, the act of preventing certain speech leads ideas to be dismissed without actual consideration of their merits and possible truthfulness.

Since the Audit last year, university leaders have expressed their support for free speech in the face of growing threats.  Australian Catholic University vice-chancellor Greg Craven said:  "Freedom of speech is less a specific right than the building block that grounds most of Western liberty". (43)  University of Sydney vice-chancellor Michael Spence has claimed:  "The university is committed to encouraging each of its graduates to participate actively in the world and engage in rational reasoning and critical thinking". (44)  In a speech at an international education conference in Shanghai, China Group of Eight Chief Executive Vicki Thomson said:  "We are a destination of choice [for international students] because we have, as a key principle, that everyone is free to challenge ideas, and to counter perceived wisdom, with the ability to feel comfortable being challenged". (45)

There are three core reasons freedom of speech is must be upheld on campus:

1. To promote and protect free inquiry in the pursuit of truth

The University of Chicago's Committee on Freedom of Expression has correctly stated that "it is not the proper role of the University to attempt to shield individuals from ideas and opinions they find unwelcome, disagreeable, or even deeply offensive". (46)  It is the very essence of university life that ideas are able to flourish, be debated, and either lose, or win, in the contest of ideas.  It is through the process of free debate, the Socratic method in which different sides of an issue are contested, that it is possible to find truth.  Individuals are subject to clear legal restrictions that prevent defamation and harassment.  However, policies that go beyond these restrictions are unjustified.

2. Students learn and grow by being exposed to a diversity of viewpoints

Students who are not exposed to a diversity of perspectives are intellectually weak and illprepared for life outside of the confines of a university.  This point was made by Constitutional lawyer Greg Lukianoff and social psychologist Jonathan Haidt in their seminal cover story for The Atlantic, The Coddling of the American Mind:  "What are we doing to our students if we encourage them to develop extra-thin skin in the years just before they leave the cocoon of adult protection and enter the workforce?  Would they not be better prepared to flourish if we taught them to question their own emotional reactions, and to give people the benefit of the doubt?"  It is the role of universities to teach students to explore ideas, to foster critical thinking and the examining of different perspectives, and in the process cause discomfort on the way to understanding.

3. The tenor of debate on campus today sets the tone for Australia's future

The university campus of today will set the tone for the future of Australian society.  President Abraham Lincoln is said to have commented:  "The philosophy of the school room in one generation will be the philosophy of government in the next". (47)  The censorship of ideas on campus will contribute to a more polarised political debate in the future, as it marks the end of people being able to civilly disagree with each other.  The danger with encouraging universities to be echo chambers for trendy opinions is that Australian politics will end up in the same predicament.  The culture on campus today will define the future of Australian society.  Today's students are tomorrow's voters, politicians, judges, bureaucrats and educators.  In order to encourage openness to debate in the future, free speech must be defended on campus today.



6. HOW CAN UNIVERSITIES SECURE INTELLECTUAL FREEDOM?

There are several steps that universities can take to secure free speech on campus in the face of calls for censorship and mounting concerns in the community.  Universities must take steps to ensure that they can fulfil their function, to ensure students receive a strong education, and create a tolerant society, as well as ensure that the public maintain their faith in universities.  Universities that take a clear and firm stand today will be much better placed in the face of future dangers.

Recommendation 1:  Abolish speech codes by reforming existing university policies

The Free Speech on Campus Audits of 2016 and 2017 have identified a number of policies that limit free speech at Australia's universities.  These policies, by preventing hurt feelings, unwelcome comments, and offensive conduct, can be used to silence those who are exploring controversial ideas.  In practice, they have a chilling effect on freedom of speech, discouraging the discussion of controversial ideas.  It is incumbent upon Australia's universities, particularly those who have received a Red policy rating, to immediately reform their policies to align with the principles of free intellectual inquiry.  The sections of policies that limit free expression should be abolished.

Recommendation 2:  Introduce a policy that protects intellectual freedom, as mandated by the Higher Education Support Act 2003

As discussed, Australia's universities, as a condition of federal funding, are required by legislation to protect free intellectual inquiry with a formal policy.  This Audit has found that just 8 of Australia's 42 universities (19%) currently have explicit policies that protect intellectual freedom.  This situation can be remedied by universities adopting policies, similar to the University of Melbourne (See Box 5), that explicitly guard free intellectual inquiry for academic staff and students.  The university regulator, TEQSA, could also make a positive contribution to the sector by increasing its compliance attention on this part of the legislation.

Recommendation 3:  Sign the sector-leading Report of the Committee on Freedom of Expression from the University of Chicago

A further step that universities can take in the name of protecting free intellectual inquiry is to adopt the Report of the Committee on Freedom of Expression from the University of Chicago (See Appendix 1).  The seminal report "guarantees all members of the University community the broadest possible latitude to speak, write, listen, challenge and learn" and that "it is not the proper role of the University to attempt to shield individuals from ideas and opinions they find unwelcome, disagreeable, or even deeply offensive".  The Foundation for Individual Rights in Education has launched a campaign in support of this statement, and has developed a model statement that all universities can adopt based upon the Chicago template. (48)  Australian universities should similarly adopt this model, or alternatively, a leading Australian university or sector body could develop an equivalent statement on the importance of guarding free speech on campus.



7. CONCLUSION

The Free Speech on Campus Audit 2017 has identified a range of concerns about the state of free expression at Australia's universities.  Many university administrations and students no longer support free speech, instead preferring to actively forbid certain ideas.  A majority of universities have policies that limit students from undertaking speech that other students might find offensive.  University administrators and students have sought, through a wide variety of actions, to prevent certain speakers and ideas on campus.  Universities exist to encourage the promotion of ideas;  therefore the various limits on free speech seriously damage the core mission of Australia's higher education system.

While the situation is clearly trending in the wrong direction there is, however, reason to be optimistic.  Firstly, universities can take action to guard free expression.  As the problem is identified, there is increasing pressure on institutions to reform their policies and take other steps to protect the diversity of ideas.  Secondly, some university academics themselves have begun to acknowledge that the problem, and are acting to protect the notion of a university.  Heterodox Academy, founded by psychology professor Jonathan Haidt to support the diversity of ideas on campus, now has 1,350 members including 18 in Australia. (49)  Finally, there is a growing backlash against censorship by students who want to explore ideas and maintain freedom of expression.  There are students organising controversial events, and many attending.

A free, democratic and prosperous society depends on a culture of free expression.  Universities are a key starting point in the development of this culture.  Students and academics alike depend on an environment of free intellectual inquiry in order to learn and discover truth.  Too often at Australia's universities, in both formal university speech codes and actions, freedom of speech is being limited.  Universities must take action to protect free intellectual inquiry.



8. METHODOLOGY

The 2017 Audit's methodology is an extension of the methodology used for my Free Speech on Campus Audit 2016. (50)  It draws upon ratings systems developed for the American Foundation for Individual Rights in Education's (FIRE) annual Spotlight on Speech Codes and Spiked!'s Free Speech University Rankings. (51)

FIRE's Spotlight on Speech Codes has assessed university policies annually since 2006, applying a red, yellow and green traffic light system to each individual policy and institution.  Spiked! began assessing free speech on British campuses in 2015, using a method that combines analysis of university and student union actions and policies that chill free speech on campus.

The method used in this audit similarly combines the two focuses, policies and actions, into a single analysis of the state of free speech at Australian universities.  This provides a holistic understanding of speech on campuses, considering each policy and action in context.  The 2017 Audit includes analysis of over 165 policies and actions at Australia's 42 universities.

In addition to the traffic light system of the 2016 Audit, the 2017 Audit also introduces a points system called the Hostility Score, to reflect how hostile the campus is to free expression of ideas.  The score is based upon the number of threats measured by the number of problematic policies and actions.  A higher Hostility Score is indicative of a more hostile campus to the free expression of ideas.


Green:

  • A Green institution is one that has no policies, and has taken no action, that threatens campus expression.
    • Policy:  A university with no policies that infringe free speech receives a Green policy ranking.  Furthermore, a university with a Freedom Policy, that is, a specific policy that protects intellectual freedom, is awarded a bonus negative 3 points towards the institution's Hostility Score.
    • Action:  A university with no identified actions that have sought to to limit the diversity of ideas receives an N/A action rating.

Amber:

  • An Amber institution is one that maintains policies that could be interpreted to restrict speech, though the exact impact on the free speech depends on how the policy is implemented, or there have been unsuccessful actions, taken by either university administrators or students, to limit the diversity of ideas on campus.  Each Amber policy and action increases a university's Hostility Score by 1 point.
    • Policy:  a policy which has the potential to restrict freedom of speech, though the exact impact on campus expression depends on how it is implemented.  For example, universities that restrict "offensive" speech, though include a reasonableness and repeated activity test in the application of the policy.  Despite the questionable policy of preventing "offensive" speech, a reasonableness and repeated activity test provides some limited protection for freedom of expression.
    • Action:  an Amber action is an act taken by the university administration, or students, which sought to damage the magnification of a voice on campus, though ultimately did not stop the voice from being heard.  For example, if a student organisation protested a speaker with the intention of preventing the speech, though the speaker was able to give the speech.

Red:

  • A Red institution is one that actively restricts free speech on campus through policies that either clearly and substantially restrict speech, or there have been action, taken by either university administrators or students, that limited the diversity of ideas on campus
    • Policy:  a Red policy is one that unambiguously infringes upon, and is broadly applicable to, expression.  In other words, the threat to free speech at a Red institution is obvious on the face of the policy and does not depend on how the policy is applied.  For example, a policy which restricts "offensive" speech or "unwelcome behaviour" is a clear violation as it is both unambiguous and broadly applicable to speech, as well as being an arbitrary, subjective basis for restricting speech.
    • Action:  a Red action is an act taken by the university administration, or students, which actively limits the diversity of voices on campus.  For example, if a university or student union has cancelled a speaker because the speaker is too controversial, or a university has disciplined students on the basis of their political speech.

Policies source:

A range of university policies are assessed to determine the state of free speech on campus.  The types of policies that were examined include, but are not limited to:

  • By-laws
  • Student codes
  • Conduct and misconduct policies
  • Bullying and harassment policies
  • Internet and social media policies
  • Academic freedom policies
  • Student guides

This Audit has only considered policies that apply to students.  Staff policies, such as workplace bullying procedures, are not considered unless they also apply to students.


Actions source:

The source material for university and student action is published reports.  This includes reports, for example, about preventing individuals from speaking on campus, student protests, and proposals to ban student clubs.  These reports, which mostly relate to actions taken in the past five years, are inherently limited, as many actions would likely go unreported.  Nevertheless, they do provide a basis on which to assess major university and student actions.



APPENDIX 1:  REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION, UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO, JANUARY 2015

The Committee on Freedom of Expression at the University of Chicago was appointed in July 2014 by President Robert J. Zimmer and Provost Eric D. Isaacs "in light of recent events nationwide that have tested institutional commitments to free and open discourse".  The Committee's charge was to draft a statement "articulating the University's overarching commitment to free, robust, and uninhibited debate and deliberation among all members of the University's community."

The Committee has carefully reviewed the University's history, examined events at other institutions, and consulted a broad range of individuals both inside and outside the University.  This statement reflects the long-standing and distinctive values of the University of Chicago and affirms the importance of maintaining and, indeed, celebrating those values for the future.

From its very founding, the University of Chicago has dedicated itself to the preservation and celebration of the freedom of expression as an essential element of the University's culture.  In 1902, in his address marking the University's decennial, President William Rainey Harper declared that "the principle of complete freedom of speech on all subjects has from the beginning been regarded as fundamental in the University of Chicago" and that "this principle can neither now nor at any future time be called in question."

Thirty years later, a student organization invited William Z. Foster, the Communist Party's candidate for President, to lecture on campus.  This triggered a storm of protest from critics both on and off campus.  To those who condemned the University for allowing the event, President Robert M. Hutchins responded that "our students ... should have freedom to discuss any problem that presents itself".  He insisted that the "cure" for ideas we oppose "lies through open discussion rather than through inhibition".  On a later occasion, Hutchins added that "free inquiry is indispensable to the good life, that universities exist for the sake of such inquiry, [and] that without it they cease to be universities."

In 1968, at another time of great turmoil in universities, President Edward H. Levi, in his inaugural address, celebrated "those virtues which from the beginning and until now have characterized our institution".  Central to the values of the University of Chicago, Levi explained, is a profound commitment to "freedom of inquiry".  This freedom, he proclaimed, "is our inheritance".

More recently, President Hanna Holborn Gray observed that "education should not be intended to make people comfortable, it is meant to make them think.  Universities should be expected to provide the conditions within which hard thought, and therefore strong disagreement, independent judgment, and the questioning of stubborn assumptions, can flourish in an environment of the greatest freedom".

The words of Harper, Hutchins, Levi, and Gray capture both the spirit and the promise of the University of Chicago.  Because the University is committed to free and open inquiry in all matters, it guarantees all members of the University community the broadest possible latitude to speak, write, listen, challenge, and learn.  Except insofar as limitations on that freedom are necessary to the functioning of the University, the University of Chicago fully respects and supports the freedom of all members of the University community "to discuss any problem that presents itself".

Of course, the ideas of different members of the University community will often and quite naturally conflict.  But it is not the proper role of the University to attempt to shield individuals from ideas and opinions they find unwelcome, disagreeable, or even deeply offensive.  Although the University greatly values civility, and although all members of the University community share in the responsibility for maintaining a climate of mutual respect, concerns about civility and mutual respect can never be used as a justification for closing off discussion of ideas, however offensive or disagreeable those ideas may be to some members of our community.

The freedom to debate and discuss the merits of competing ideas does not, of course, mean that individuals may say whatever they wish, wherever they wish.  The University may restrict expression that violates the law, that falsely defames a specific individual, that constitutes a genuine threat or harassment, that unjustifiably invades substantial privacy or confidentiality interests, or that is otherwise directly incompatible with the functioning of the University.  In addition, the University may reasonably regulate the time, place, and manner of expression to ensure that it does not disrupt the ordinary activities of the University.  But these are narrow exceptions to the general principle of freedom of expression, and it is vitally important that these exceptions never be used in a manner that is inconsistent with the University's commitment to a completely free and open discussion of ideas.

In a word, the University's fundamental commitment is to the principle that debate or deliberation may not be suppressed because the ideas put forth are thought by some or even by most members of the University community to be offensive, unwise, immoral, or wrong-headed.  It is for the individual members of the University community, not for the University as an institution, to make those judgments for themselves, and to act on those judgments not by seeking to suppress speech, but by openly and vigorously contesting the ideas that they oppose.  Indeed, fostering the ability of members of the University community to engage in such debate and deliberation in an effective and responsible manner is an essential part of the University's educational mission.

As a corollary to the University's commitment to protect and promote free expression, members of the University community must also act in conformity with the principle of free expression.  Although members of the University community are free to criticize and contest the views expressed on campus, and to criticize and contest speakers who are invited to express their views on campus, they may not obstruct or otherwise interfere with the freedom of others to express views they reject or even loathe.  To this end, the University has a solemn responsibility not only to promote a lively and fearless freedom of debate and deliberation, but also to protect that freedom when others attempt to restrict it.

As Robert M. Hutchins observed, without a vibrant commitment to free and open inquiry, a university ceases to be a university.  The University of Chicago's long-standing commitment to this principle lies at the very core of our University's greatness.  That is our inheritance, and it is our promise to the future.



APPENDIX 2:  FULL LIST OF UNIVERSITY POLICIES AND ACTIONS

The full list of university policies and actions can be viewed at RichardJWood.blogspot.com.



BIBLIOGRAPHY

Albrechtsen, Janet, "No-offence culture of American campuses hurts Australia too", The Australian, November 2, 2017.

Ali, Aftab. "Worst UK Universities for Banning Free Speech Named amid 'an Epidemic'". The Independent, January 18, 2016.

Anderson, John. "Left Pulling Our Unis off Centre". The Australian. June 29, 2017.

Anthony, Andrew. "Is Free Speech in British Universities under Threat?" The Guardian, January 24, 2016, sec. World news.

ANU. "Creating a Safe Campus". Australian National University (blog), July 13, 2015.

Barry, Hannah. "Backlash over Murdoch Uni's Decision to Host 'Dangerous Nutrition Expert'". WA Today, June 8, 2017.

Baxendale, Rachel. "Eight in 10 Unis Clip Free Speech". The Australian. May 17, 2016.

Bisett, Joseph. "The Standard of Discourse at Australian Universities". The Sydney Tory (blog), October 19, 2017.

Bye, Clarissa. "Sydney University Charging Students a Security Fee for Conservative Events". Daily Telegraph. November 8, 2017.

Charles Sturt University. "Flags Policy", May 14, 2016.

Chatha, Aaron. "Fight Breaks out at University of Calgary over Trump Hat". Metro Calgary (blog), October 17, 2016.

Committee on Freedom of Expression at the University of Chicago. "Report of the Committee on Freedom of Expression", January 2015.

Commonwealth of Australia. "Australian National University Act 1991", July 15, 2014.

———. "Higher Education Standards Framework (Threshold Standards) 2015", October 7, 2015.

———. Higher Education Support Act 2003 (n.d.).

CQUniversity. "Policy", March 3, 2017.

Craven, Greg. "Liberty Risk beyond Free Speech". The Australian. August 25, 2016.

Curtin University. "Intellectual Freedom Policy", May 27, 2016.

"Disinvitation Database". FIRE (blog). Accessed November 14, 2017.

FIRE. "Model Freedom of Expression Resolution Based on University of Chicago Statement". FIRE (blog), September 28, 2015.

———. "Spotlight on Speech Codes 2017". Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (blog), 2017.

"Free Speech Is so Last Century. Today's Students Want the 'Right to Be Comfortable'". The Spectator (blog), November 22, 2014.

Garnham, Sarah. "A Special Kind of Justice for Pro-Palestine Student Activists". Red Flag, August 1, 2017.

Garrett, Peter. "BILLS:  Higher Education Support Amendment (Demand Driven Funding System and Other Measures) Bill 2011:  Second Reading". Parliament House, Canberra, May 26, 2011.

Geyn, Christine Van. "We All Pay The Price For Runaway Political Correctness On Campus". HuffPost Canada (blog), November 30, 2016.

Government of Tasmania. "University of Tasmania Act 1992", January 1, 2013.

Griffith University. "Code of Conduct", April 4, 2016.

Harrison, Dan. "New Bill Will Protect Academic Freedom". The Sydney Morning Herald, May 27, 2011.

Hauen, Jack. "Facing Pushback, Ryerson University Cancels Panel Discussion on Campus Free Speech". National Post (blog), August 16, 2017.

Heterodox Academy. "About Us". Heterodox Academy, October 2, 2017.

Hopper, Tristin. "Full Recording of Wilfrid Laurier Reprimanding Lindsay Shepherd for Showing a Jordan Peterson Video". National Post (blog), November 21, 2017.

Huber-Assistant, Dave, and 2016. "Sarcasm Prohibited:  "Dire Outlook" for Free Speech on Campuses Down Under". The College Fix (blog), May 21, 2016.

James Cook University. "Code of Conduct", April 28, 2016.

Jilani, Zaid. "Elizabeth Warren Says Campus Free Speech Means No Censorship or Violence". The Intercept (blog), October 27, 2017.

Jones, Alan. "Alan Jones — Matthew Lesh". The Alan Jones Breakfast Show. Sydney, NSW:  2GB Sydney, April 14, 2016.

Justice Centre for Constitutional Freedoms. "Campus Freedom Index 2017". Calgary, Canada:  Justice Centre for Constitutional Freedoms, 2017.

Kant, Immanuel, "What Is Enlightenment?", Columbia University, 1784.

Macquaire University. "2.10 Intellectual Freedom". Staff Portal, 2014.

Mehl, Caroline. "Threat to Free Speech Spreads to Australian Campuses". HeterodoxAcademy.org (blog), January 9, 2017.

Mill, John Stuart. On Liberty. Project Gutenberg, 2011.

Murray, Charles. "Fecklessness at Middlebury". American Enterprise Institute. AEIdeas (blog), June 12, 2017.

Norton, Andrew. "Mapping Australian Higher Education". Melbourne, Victoria:  Grattan Institute, January 2012.

"President Obama:  Student Protests Should Embrace Free Speech". FIRE (blog), November 16, 2015.

Press, Australian Associated. "Student Protesters Guilty of Assault on Julie Bishop, Claims Christopher Pyne". The Guardian, May 17, 2014, sec. Australia news.

Roll, Nick. "Senate Hearing Explores Free Speech on College Campuses". Inside HigherEd (blog), October 27, 2017.

Salmon, Gregor, and James Dunlevie. "Coalition for Marriage Values against University's Charter, Protesters Claim". ABC News, October 6, 2017.

Singhal, Pallavi. "Police Called as Hundreds of Protesters Surround Sydney University "Vote No" Rally". The Sydney Morning Herald, September 14, 2017.

SkyNews Australia. Lesh:  Intellectual Debate Is Being Stifled at Australian Universities, 2016.

Slater, Tom. "Free Speech University Rankings! - A Spiked Campaign". Spiked! Online, 2017.

Spence, Michael. "We Don't Limit Free Expression". The Australian. August 7, 2017.

Steinbaugh, Adam. "Survey of Australian Universities Reveals Dire Outlook for Campus Free Speech". FIRE (blog), May 18, 2016.

Sweney, Mark, and Jasper Jackson. "City University Students Vote for Campus Ban on Sun, Mail and Express". The Guardian, November 18, 2016, sec. Media.

Taylor, Josie. "Locked up in a Notorious Prison for Protesting at University". ABC News, February 24, 2017.

The Australian Editorial. "Universities Prohibit Sarcasm". The Australian. May 19, 2016.

Thomson, Vicki. "Managing a Group of the World's Leading Research-Intensive Universities through Fragile Political Settings". presented at the 7th International Conference on World-Class Universities (WCU-7), Shanghai, China, November 7, 2017.

University of Melbourne. "Academic Freedom of Expression Policy (MPF1224)", March 16, 2016.

University of Melbourne. "The Hunting Ground · Events at The University of Melbourne", May 11, 2017.

University of Tasmania. "Academic Freedom (GLP14)", June 27, 2014.

VICE News. Evergreen State College Controversy (HBO). Accessed October 2, 2017.

Wood, Richard J., "Censorship, Trigger Warnings and 'Free Speech':  The National Union of Students Meets". The Spectator Australia (blog), December 13, 2016.

———. "Free Speech on Campus Audit 2016". May 6, 2016.

———. "University Regulator Backs down on Free Intellectual Inquiry Attack". FreedomWatch (blog), May 31, 2017.

———. "WARNING:  This Article Contains Ideas That Offend". The Spectator Australia, August 20, 2016.



ENDNOTES

1. Richard J. Wood, "Free Speech on Campus Audit 2016", (May 6, 2016).

2. Rachel Baxendale, "Eight in 10 Unis Clip Free Speech", The Australian, May 17, 2016; The Australian Editorial, "Universities Prohibit Sarcasm", The Australian, May 19, 2016; Alan Jones, "Alan Jones – Matthew Lesh", The Alan Jones Breakfast Show (Sydney, NSW: 2GB Sydney, April 14, 2016); SkyNews Australia, Lesh: Intellectual Debate Is Being Stifled at Australian Universities, 2016; John Anderson, "Left Pulling Our Unis off Centre", The Australian, June 29, 2017; Dave Huber-Assistant and 2016, "Sarcasm Prohibited: 'Dire Outlook' for Free Speech on Campuses Down Under", The College Fix, May 21, 2016; Adam Steinbaugh, "Survey of Australian Universities Reveals Dire Outlook for Campus Free Speech", FIRE, May 18, 2016,; Joseph Bisett, "The Standard of Discourse at Australian Universities", The Sydney Tory, October 19, 2017; Caroline Mehl, "Threat to Free Speech Spreads to Australian Campuses", HeterodoxAcademy.org, January 9, 2017.

3. Immanuel Kant, "What Is Enlightenment?", Columbia University, 1784.

4. FIRE, "Spotlight on Speech Codes 2017", Foundation for Individual Rights in Education, 2017.

5. "Disinvitation Database", FIRE, accessed November 14, 2017.

6. Charles Murray, "Fecklessness at Middlebury", American Enterprise Institute, AEIdeas, June 12, 2017.

7. VICE News, Evergreen State College Controversy (HBO), accessed October 2, 2017.

8. Tom Slater, "Free Speech University Rankings! - A Spiked Campaign", Spiked! Online, 2017.

9. Andrew Anthony, "Is Free Speech in British Universities under Threat?", The Guardian, January 24, 2016, sec. World news.

10. Mark Sweney and Jasper Jackson, "City University Students Vote for Campus Ban on Sun, Mail and Express", The Guardian, November 18, 2016, sec. Media.

11. "Free Speech Is so Last Century. Today's Students Want the 'Right to Be Comfortable,'" The Spectator, November 22, 2014.

12. Aftab Ali, "Worst UK Universities for Banning Free Speech Named amid 'an Epidemic'", The Independent, January 18, 2016.

13. Justice Centre for Constitutional Freedoms, "Campus Freedom Index 2017" (Calgary, Canada: Justice Centre for Constitutional Freedoms, 2017).

14. Jack Hauen, "Facing Pushback, Ryerson University Cancels Panel Discussion on Campus Free Speech", National Post, August 16, 2017.

15. Christine Van Geyn, "We All Pay The Price For Runaway Political Correctness On Campus", HuffPost Canada, November 30, 2016.

16. Aaron Chatha, "Fight Breaks out at University of Calgary over Trump Hat", Metro Calgary, October 17, 2016.

17. Tristin Hopper, "Full Recording of Wilfrid Laurier Reprimanding Lindsay Shepherd for Showing a Jordan Peterson Video", National Post, November 21, 2017.

18. Pallavi Singhal, "Police Called as Hundreds of Protesters Surround Sydney University 'Vote No' Rally", The Sydney Morning Herald, September 14, 2017; Australian Associated Press, "Student Protesters Guilty of Assault on Julie Bishop, Claims Christopher Pyne", The Guardian, May 17, 2014.

19. Clarissa Bye, "Sydney University Charging Students a Security Fee for Conservative Events", Daily Telegraph, November 8, 2017.

20. Richard J. Wood, "WARNING: This Article Contains Ideas That Offend", The Spectator Australia, August 20, 2016; ANU, "Creating a Safe Campus", Australian National University, July 13, 2015.

21. Janet Albrechtsen, "No-offence culture of American campuses hurts Australia too", The Australian, November 2, 2016

22. Andrew Norton, "Mapping Australian Higher Education" (Melbourne, Victoria: Grattan Institute, January 2012).

23. This section was introduced into the legislation by the Higher Education Support Amendment (Demand Driven Funding System and Other Measures) Bill 2011, see Commonwealth of Australia, "Higher Education Support Act 2003".

24. Dan Harrison, "New Bill Will Protect Academic Freedom", The Sydney Morning Herald, May 27, 2011; Peter Garrett, "BILLS : Higher Education Support Amendment (Demand Driven Funding System and Other Measures) Bill 2011: Second Reading" (Parliament House, Canberra, May 26, 2011).

25. Commonwealth of Australia, "Higher Education Standards Framework (Threshold Standards) 2015", October 7, 2015.

26. For further discussion of the Diversity and Equity guidance note, in both draft and final stages, see Richard J. Wood, "University Regulator Backs down on Free Intellectual Inquiry Attack", FreedomWatch (blog), May 31, 2017.

27. CQUniversity, "Policy", March 3, 2017.

28. Charles Sturt University, "Flags Policy", May 14, 2016.

29. University of Tasmania, "Academic Freedom (GLP14)", June 27, 2014.

30. See, for example: James Cook University, "Code of Conduct", April 28, 2016, "Code of Conduct", April 4, 2016; Macquaire University, "2.10 Intellectual Freedom", Staff Portal, 2014.

31. Curtin University, "Intellectual Freedom Policy", May 27, 2016.

32. See, for example, Commonwealth of Australia, "Australian National University Act 1991", July 15, 2014; Government of Tasmania, "University of Tasmania Act 1992", January 1, 2013.

33. Richard J. Wood, "Censorship, Trigger Warnings and 'Free Speech': The National Union of Students Meets", The Spectator Australia, December 13, 2016.

34. ANU, "Creating a Safe Campus"; Wood, "WARNING: This Article Contains Ideas That Offend"; University of Melbourne, "The Hunting Ground · Events at The University of Melbourne", May 11, 2017.

35. Gregor Salmon and James Dunlevie, "Coalition for Marriage Values against University's Charter, Protesters Claim", ABC News, October 6, 2017.

36. Hannah Barry, "Backlash over Murdoch Uni's Decision to Host 'Dangerous Nutrition Expert'", WA Today, June 8, 2017.

37. Josie Taylor, "Locked up in a Notorious Prison for Protesting at University", ABC News, February 24, 2017.

38. Australian Catholic University, "Discrimination and Harassment", March 9, 2016.

39. Sarah Garnham, "A Special Kind of Justice for Pro-Palestine Student Activists", Red Flag, August 1, 2017.

40. "President Obama: Student Protests Should Embrace Free Speech", FIRE, November 16, 2015; Zaid Jilani, "Elizabeth Warren Says Campus Free Speech Means No Censorship or Violence", The Intercept, October 27, 2017; Nick Roll, "Senate Hearing Explores Free Speech on College Campuses", Inside HigherEd, October 27, 2017.

41. "President Obama: Student Protests Should Embrace Free Speech", FIRE, November 16, 2015.

42. John Stuart Mill, On Liberty (Project Gutenberg, 2011).

43. Greg Craven, "Liberty Risk beyond Free Speech", The Australian, August 25, 2016.

44. Michael Spence, "We Don't Limit Free Expression", The Australian, August 7, 2017.

45. Vicki Thomson, "Managing a Group of the World's Leading Research-Intensive Universities through Fragile Political Settings" (7th International Conference on World-Class Universities (WCU-7), Shanghai, China, November 7, 2017).

46. Committee on Freedom of Expression at the University of Chicago, "Report of the Committee on Freedom of Expression", January 2015.

47. It is uncertain if Lincoln made this comment, like many similar quotations the source is not clear.

48. FIRE, "Model Freedom of Expression Resolution Based on University of Chicago Statement", FIRE, September 28, 2015.

49. Heterodox Academy, "About Us", Heterodox Academy, October 2, 2017.

50. Wood, "Free Speech on Campus Audit 2016".

51. FIRE, "Spotlight on Speech Codes 2017"; Slater, "Free Speech University Rankings! - A Spiked Campaign".