Wednesday, November 24, 2004

A Taste of Their Own Strategy

Australian Wool Innovation Chairman Ian McLachlan has launched legal action against People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals.  PETA is a radical NGO, according to its website it believes "that animals are not ours to eat, wear, experiment on, or use for entertainment".  It is campaigning against the Australian sheep and wool industry for its live sheep export and the practice of mulesing.  AWI is seeking an order in the Federal Court restraining PETA from threatening clothing retailers to have them impose a boycott on Australian wool.  PETA has apparently "convinced" US retailer Abercrombie & Fitch to boycott Australian wool.

Well Ian, if that doesn't work, here is another suggestion.  Organise a counter attack!  Boycott the boycotters.  In this case, boycott Abercrombie & Fitch.  This will not be too difficult, because A&F has already suffered a boycott of its own.

A&F is a boutique clothing company that is part of the "strong sensitivity and concern for social responsibility and ethical dealings" crowd.  A conservative American NGO, American Decency, however, has been campaigning against the use of pornography by A&F to sell its wares.  My oh my, that is an ethical dilemma for ethical investors.

A&F's latest catalogue, "A Little Naughty Can Do a Lot of Nice" features beautiful young preppy men and women in semi nude pose, with body hair removed and enough "product" in their hair to gum up the waterways.  The deal is that if you drop into their store for Christmas you can have your photo taken with, "one of our great looking, hotter than hot, in-store brand representatives".  A&F will give a matching dollar donation to the Juvenile Diabetes Research Foundation.  This mixture of sex and conspicuous compassion has earned them some bad reviews.

The much cleaned version of their catalogue follows a campaign by American Decency and others against the 2003 catalogue, which included nude young adult models in highly suggestive poses, as well as advice on sex -- apparently intended to boost the brand among university-age customers.  For example, Question:  "My friend told me that if you're 500 miles away from your boyfriend and you fool around with someone, its not really cheating.  Can I get confirmation on this rule?" A&F:  "If you just saw your boyfriend yesterday, then you're a bad girl.  If you haven't seen him in six months, then PLEASE be a bad girl".  After protests, the retailer recalled the catalogue, saying "it needed the space on the counter for a new perfume".  Is that an ethical lie?

A&F clothes are sold in Australia, perhaps the Family First Senator can identify those stores in Australia that sell this stuff.  By the way Senator, "Ditch Fitch" T-shirts are available at http://www.americandecency.org

If this all seems a bit far-fetched, it serves to illustrate that the game of blackmailing companies can be turned around.  If you don't think A&F deserve it, then maybe you share different morals to those offended by their advertising.  More important, you will not fail to be offended by PETA.  Try these choice abstracts from one of their principals.

PETA's director of "vegan outreach", Bruce Friedrich, has been quoted complaining about meat being served at the 2004 World Social Forum, "[I]t's like letting the World Bank or the Ku Klux Klan open up a booth here".

According to Consumer Freedom, Friedrich believes sport hunters should be viewed "with the same revulsion we presently reserve for Nazi doctors and slave traders".  He wrote, Timothy McVeigh (the Oklahoma City bomber) "should not be allowed to take even one more life", urging the terrorist's warden to serve the condemned prisoner only meatless meals.  When McVeigh opted for a vegetarian "last meal", Friedrich proclaimed that the decision to abstain from meat "groups him with some of the world's greatest visionaries, including Albert Schweitzer, Gandhi, Leo Tolstoy and Albert Einstein".

A final excerpt from the A&F catalogue may convince AWI of the strategy.  Question:  "How much masturbation is too much masturbation?" A&F:  "Once a day is fine, three times a day is a little out of control, five times a day is perfect".

Show the wankers a thing or two Ian, organise a boycott!


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Guilty until proved innocent

Most people think that if they did something that led to the injury or death of a person and they were charged by the police with the prospect of going to jail, that normal criminal justice processes would apply, but this is not the case in NSW.

In 2000, the Carr government introduced laws that stripped away full rights to normal justice and they now want to go further.

Most states are reviewing their workplace safety legislation with unions pushing NSW as the model.  The ACT has already introduced industrial manslaughter laws.

Under the existing NSW arrangements if there is an accident at a worksite managers or executives of firms are charged in the industrial court and they are presumed guilty until proved otherwise.  Incredibly, they have to prove they are innocent.  They can be charged with the same offence a second time even if found innocent at a first trial.  If found guilty, and another accident occurs several years later, they can face the prospect of jail.

In October the Carr government introduced an amendment, the Workplace Fatalities Bill, which would mean that if a death occurs on a worksite, jail is an immediate prospect.  Rights of appeal to the criminal justice system are restricted.

The Carr government says this is to catch "rogue employers", but the experience of litigation under the present law suggests something else.

Recently a mine manager, former mine manager and a surveyor were all found guilty following the deaths of four men at an underground coal mine several years ago.

In 1996 the Gretley mine near Newcastle in NSW was flooded.  The miners drowned when they accidentally drilled into a disused, water-filled mine shaft.  The accident happened after a government department supplied the company with old mine maps photocopied in reverse, leading to the drilling being done in the wrong place.

If the proposed amended legislation had been in place, those "guilty" Gretley managers would presumably now be in jail.  Not surprisingly, some managers of mines in NSW are now resigning.  No one wants to be in a decision-making position.

Apparently the task of proving your innocence is so high that a guilty verdict is almost inevitable.  If key safety managers leave, safety systems in mines will break down and mines will have to close.

And it's not just mines that are affected.  The present and proposed laws are unclear and badly need clarification.  Nonetheless incarceration remains a prospect for owners and managers of large and small businesses in NSW, for ordinary workers, union officials and people in charitable and volunteer organisations.  If it can be argued that you control or influence supervision of a worksite, whatever that might mean, you face the prospect of jail without a normal criminal trial.

Presumption of innocence and trial by jury in courts that are experienced and competent in criminal matters are key pillars of a fair, just and equitable society.  If you drive a car, have a tyre blow out, swerve and kill a pedestrian you could be charged with a criminal offence and face jail.

But you would be tried in a criminal court.  You would be presumed to be innocent.  The prosecution would have to prove that you behaved recklessly or dangerously and that you should have known that your behaviour was dangerous.  If it was a genuine accident, you were not speeding and your behaviour demonstrated intent to drive safely, the tragic accident should not result in you being jailed.

But with the present and proposed NSW work safety laws, the fact the accident occurred causes guilt to be applied to you.  You would have to hire engineers to examine the tyres to prove they were safe.  Whether you were reckless or drove as safely as you could, would not be relevant.  And you would be tried in the Industrial Relations Commission.

This approach to jailing people without the normal protections of criminal justice has come following pressure from the union movement.  It seems to be an approach to law based on an eye for an eye rather than community principles of justice.

The Victorian government last week released new workplace safety law but has not followed the NSW justice-destruction model.


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Sunday, November 14, 2004

Don't Bargain on Safety

Over the past 20 years, significant gains have been made in workplace safety.  Death and injury rates have declined in virtually all industries and safety is now a core workplace value.  The key has been co-operation among employers, workers and regulators in developing a work safe culture and supportive regulations.

This, however, is being threatened by the increased use of Occupation Health and Safety (OH&S) regulation as an industrial tool by unions.

While the Australian Constitution is mute on the jurisdictional responsibility for OH&S, the States have largely assumed legislative responsibility for it.  This has been driven by the rational desire to adopt laws that better meet local needs and differences.

Since the 1980s, the States have, through a tripartite process including ACTU, peak employer bodies and governments, adopted a national approach to OH&S based on the principals of "duty of care", outcomes-based regulations, and codes of practice.  While this process put in place a needed degree of national uniformity and a basically sound system, it also brought the OH&S regulation more firmly under the influence of the industrial relations system.

This has lead to an increased use of OH&S as an industrial tool, with unions manufacturing or exaggerating safety issues for bargaining chips.

Safety issues not only provide a legal smokescreen to stop or disrupt work, but also strike a chord with the general public.  A firm with an unsafe workplace faces a damaged reputation.  Making claims that a firm's workplace is hazardous can therefore be a powerful threat.

The problem is that the using safety as an industrial tool drives a wedge between employees and employers on safety issues in terms of trust, responsibility and standards.  Unfortunately, the misuse of OH&S legislation for industrial purposes is becoming more pronounced.

Across the country, unions are demanding more stringent OH&S legislation, including larger fines for employers, mandatory imprisonment of management for safety breaks and greater union control over OH&S legislation.  While union demands are couched in terms of pursuing workplace safety, it is clear that they seek the change to bolster their industrial muscle.

State Labor Governments are increasingly acceding to their demands.  Three years ago the Bracks Government tried to introduce the Corporate Manslaughter Bill.  Amongst other things this would have resulted in senior managers being personally and criminally liable for breaches of safety standards in remote workplaces that resulted in death.  The NSW Government has recently introduced a bill -- The Workplace Fatalities Bill -- that would mean imprisonment of managers as a result of a workplace fatality, even if there were no breach of workplace standards.

While the Bracks Government does not plan to re-introduce the manslaughter bill that was blocked in the upper house, it is planning to quadruple fines for companies which breach standards;  give unions right of entry even to non-union workplaces, and extend the duty of care liabilities to designers, manufacturers, landlords, and others.

These changes will not only pull OH&S more into the adversarial industrial relations system, but send the wrong signal to workers that safety is someone else's responsibility.  A safe workplace is one where everyone is wary of possible mishaps.


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Friday, November 12, 2004

Can't See the Trees or the Forests

I am sitting on a wooden chair, in front of a wooden desk, all in a wooden house (Queenslander circa 1890) while pondering Jenny Bell from Breadalbane's letter titled "Forest Tragedy" (The Land, 21st October 2004).

The letter states that Australian farmers should not support old growth logging in Tasmania given that establishing trees on our farms is a "long and arduous" process.

Trees may be difficult to grow in Breadalbane.  As long ago as 1820 there where few trees in that region with then NSW Governor Lachlan Macquarie describing the countryside as open "with a plentiful supply of fresh water ponds, and hardly a tree to be seen in this whole extent of plain".

But this is not the situation across Australia.  Australia has nearly 165 million hectares of native forests.  When plantations are included, we apparently have the third highest area of forest per capita in the world.

So I sometimes wonder why the Australian Greens don't rally against the importation of cheap products from overseas.  Mahogany and teak cabinets and tables from Indonesia are crammed into warehouses across Brisbane and are oh so cheap.

While forestry is perhaps the quintessential renewable resource, how sustainable are forest practices in Indonesia relative to Australia?

At issue in Australia is the practice of logging native forests, particularly old growth forests.

Protection of old growth forest was identified as a priority in the 1992 National Forest Policy Statement with various targets agreed nationally.

Since 1995 the area of old-growth forests in reserves has increased by 1.2 million hectares and is now 3.7 million hectares.  This constitutes 71 per cent of the total 5.2 million hectares of old-growth forest covered by Regional Forest Agreements.

In Tasmania, about 20 per cent of the area of native forest available for wood supply is old-growth.

As old growth forests generally contain higher timber volumes than younger growth stages, it is predicted that this area will provide 30-50 per cent of the timber volumes for the next 50 years.

According to the Bureau of Rural Science's report Old Growth Forests in Australia -- Conservation Status and Significance for Timber Production, old-growth and regrowth forests are often intimately mixed with access to regrowth areas dependent on harvesting associated old growth.

According to the same report, some wildlife species such as the Leadbeater's Possum require more than one growth stage for their survival:  one for nesting and another for feeding.

It is really an issue of balance and agreeing where we should source our wood and paper products from.  I have confidence that forests can be managed as sustainably in Australia as anywhere else in the world.

I appreciate my wooden furniture, my cotton shirt and the beef curry and rice that I enjoyed for dinner.  I had some yoghurt for dessert and some Australian honey in my herbal tea.  The production of all of these nice things involved some sunshine, some water and in the case of my chair and curry -- the death of an organism.

But the cattle herd in Australia is on the increase, along with the area under plantation hardwood and also the area of old growth forest in reserves.

So I suspect that my indulgences can be accommodated by our primary industries and that we don't need to worry too much if the folk of Breadalbane struggle in their quest to grow trees.

Different regions and different communities have different skills and endowments -- within the Breadalbane community is an acclaimed artist called Jenny Bell.

Let us celebrate the talents and contributions of our respective regions and respective industries -- our cattlemen, our foresters and our artists.


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Tuesday, November 09, 2004

Economic and Environmental Potential of Energy Efficiency Regulations

Submission to the Productivity Commission Inquiry into Energy Efficiency


SUMMARY

Australia's government measures to promote energy efficiency are ad hoc and ill-targeted.  Most were originally responses to particular notions of market failure that have since been largely discredited.  They include regulations to compensate for perceived consumer myopia to long term and short term trade-offs;  this rationale remains, notwithstanding greater contemporary doubt about superior wisdom of governments.  Historically, an additional goal for energy saving policies stemmed from fears -- no longer widely held -- of an imminent global shortage of energy.

A renewed plausibility for energy saving regulatory measures was provided by concern about CO2 driven global warming.  Whatever the merits of this concern, the piecemeal assembly of regulatory and tax expenditures to address it involves considerable waste.  The table below summarises the more readily identified costs.

Summary of Greenhouse Taxes and Expenditures

Annual Costs M
Commonwealth, NSW and Queensland Abatement Requirements on Retailers$669 (2010)
Royalties$844
Commonwealth Government Disbursements$124 (2006/7)
State Government Disbursements$32
Total~$1669

In addition, there are costs stemming from energy saving requirements for houses and a range of consumer durable products.

The value of these different measures in terms of greenhouse emission abatement is highly variable.  They clearly do not deliver the best outcome for each dollar of expenditure.  For example, the Commonwealth Mandatory Renewable Energy Target (MRET) scheme involves costs in terms of dollars per tonne of CO2 abated that are almost threefold those of the NSW scheme.  Moreover, at least in the cases of the MRET and the Queensland "13 per cent gas" schemes, there is no incentive for existing sources to reduce their emission levels using improved technology.

There are considerable deficiencies in the process by which these policies have been selected.  This reflects poor coordination both between different jurisdictions and within the Commonwealth.  The issue has spawned new vistas for "winner picking" that has been long discredited in other areas of industry policy.

If measures are justified, the most efficient approach is likely to involve a simple carbon (and other greenhouse gas) pricing mechanism.  This would offer the right incentives for those best placed to determine and act on the most cost-effective means of defraying the emissions.  Rationalising the current measures into a single instrument should be the goal.  An essential first step is to measure returns, in terms of dollar costs per unit of abatement, that each of the present measures entails.


ENERGY AND EFFICIENCY

THE INQUIRY'S TERMS OF REFERENCE

The Minister's reference to the Commission says, "Australia's historic (sic) energy efficiency performance has been weak in comparison with other OECD countries".  This unsupported statement is accompanied by another that appears to contradict it -- "low cost reliable energy is a source of competitive strength for Australia".

It may well be that Australia's energy performance has historically been comparatively weak but it is doubtful if such a case can be made with reference to the past decade.

It is certainly true that Australian energy intensity is high in per capita or per unit of GDP terms but this says nothing about energy efficiency.  Rather, energy efficiency refers to the technical conversion of material into energy, the way consumers use that energy and the allocation of the energy between users.  In none of these measures does Australia appear to be an inefficient energy user.

While the Terms of Reference identify the importance of market based measures to promote efficiency, they are overwhelmingly directed at increasing government intervention in consumer decisions.  This is unfortunate since such governmental activism is more likely to bring reduced overall efficiency.

Most of the matters on which the Commission is asked to advise seek an examination of measures that promote increased efficiency of energy use or reduced use of energy per se.  A focus on seeking to improve energy efficiency by reducing its intensity of use can call forth real inefficiencies by causing a substitution of other inputs for lower cost energy inputs.  We could, for example, readily reduce energy use by banning cars, or coal fired power stations but this would leave us considerably worse off.

Measures to reduce energy use can even backfire and indirectly increase that use.  For example, measures targeting high energy using aluminium might lead to its substitution by lower energy using steel but the latter's increased weight might entail greater energy inputs in transporting and using the products manufactured from the steel.  For these sorts of reasons the efficiency of a particular factor of production is best examined in a general economic setting, in which prices emerge from demand and supply interactions.

Some of the matters raised in the Terms of Reference require firms to provide greater user information and forces them to undertake energy audits.  Although not normally as costly as requiring firms to undertake product or activity modifications, even this element of regulation brings costs.  It does so by diverting firms' resources from other pursuits which their management considers to be more fruitful, or by entailing the hiring of additional resources.

This submission does not set out to cover all the issues covered by the Scope of the Inquiry but focuses on some of the issues which we see as central to the matters before the Commission.  It seeks to draw attention to some of the more egregious cost impositions that the current mix of poorly assembled policies entail.


REGULATORY MEASURES TO PROMOTE ENERGY EFFICIENCY

The original stimulus for regulatory measures to promote energy efficiency was the oil crises of 1974 and 1979.  These developments led to a marked increase in the price of energy.  They were accompanied by a worldwide concern, most notably expressed in publications of the Club of Rome, (1) which incorrectly estimated that the world was running out of energy and other natural of resources.

The 1970s lift in energy prices brought calls for increased information, particularly covering energy efficiency, to be offered to consumers so that they could be better apprised of this feature of the goods.  In some cases they also brought calls for mandatory levels of energy efficiency for some goods.

Concerns about energy shortages have now abated, (Victoria, for example, has proven brown coal resources to supply electricity for 1000 years).  However, those promoting regulatory measures to foster greater energy savings had no opportunity to acknowledge their mistaken analysis before a new justification for regulatory measures arose.  This was the greenhouse issue which offered those promoting concern about energy reserves a seamless transition to a new agenda heading under which the previous policy approaches could be maintained.

Increased regulatory intrusion to require particular standards of behaviour with regard to energy use, or to deny access to certain goods is contrary to sound government policy.  Good (economic) policy is best pursued by allowing individuals to decide how to use their own funds and not to constrict their spending decisions.  Where there is competition between sellers seeking to profit from meeting consumers' needs, the best use of resources will be achieved in the absence of regulations.  Competitive provision by profit maximising entities largely characterise the energy industry.  Exceptions are in some areas of natural monopoly -- especially electricity poles and wires -- and, arguably, with regard to suppliers under government ownership. (2)

The Terms of Reference however do not highlight a need for evidence and advice on these avenues to efficiency.

The case for greater regulation rests on three rationales:

  • that consumers are not sufficiently informed or sufficiently capable of taking informed decisions about the purchase of goods that is in their best interests;
  • that there is a principal/agency distortion as many goods are bought for the use of certain consumers by others who place too high a weighting on reducing initial rather than long term costs;  and
  • that the use of certain goods brings adverse externalities in the form of costs that are imposed on others and not captured in the prices paid.

All of these rationales for regulation are controversial.

The notion of free markets is based on the fact that consumers generally make purchases in their best interests.  Although there is information asymmetry between sellers and buyers, consumers buy highly complex goods like computers and motor cars incorporating many different components and exhibiting many different performance characteristics.  The sellers have every incentive to draw the attention of buyers to those features that would persuade them to select their own offerings.  Because of this, the outcomes of consumers' purchases are generally agreed to accord with their overall interests without the need for the governments to dictate certain requirements of the products' manufacturers beyond those that might impact on third parties (e.g. braking requirements for cars).

Regulations requiring the provision of information on products' features or their inputs are normally less intrusive and costly than regulations that specify such features.

The principal/agency distortion is equally fallacious.  It might be said that landlords of property which includes an installed appliance are indifferent to its performance.  This is however not true.  People weigh up a great many features in the purchases of products and services.  Suppliers, including those of rental properties, respond to meet the needs.  In fact, there are strong reasons why homes built for owner-occupation would incorporate fewer energy saving features -- the home buyer, at least the first home buyer, is likely to be borrowing constrained and will seek to defer unnecessary outlays.

The externality case is the one that can best justify regulatory intrusion.  Externalities have long been associated with inadvertent pollution from productive facilities.  However, there is no automatic application of a regulation resting on this case.  Externalities are around us all the time:  they could be used by the purchaser of an expensive motor vehicle to justify community subsidies on the basis that the superior braking and pollution characteristics confer unpaid benefits.  Even in the case of pollution they may require no action if the polluter had traditional rights to discharge waste material.  Moreover, in seeking to offset an externality, government action can easily lead to even greater loss.  Externalities are therefore matters that do not automatically justify regulatory intrusion.

In determining whether the externality justifies regulatory action, matters to be considered include:

  • the degree to which the externality is present,
  • whether beneficiaries are able to compensate those harmed if the latter hold the rights to be free of the activity's effects,
  • whether the regulation to overcome the externality is addressed to goods and services that provide the most cost effective means of overcoming it.

It is clear from the foregoing that for regulatory active government measures directed at energy that the Terms of Reference mainly address have very slender rationales aside from those based on the greenhouse issue.  This in turn is centred on the Kyoto Agreement and its associated provisions.


AUSTRALIAN ENERGY POLICY AND THE KYOTO AGREEMENT

The Kyoto agreement in 1997 was designed as a first real step towards stabilising emissions of gases, dominated by carbon dioxide, that are considered to bring increased global warming.  Having signed the agreement, Australia along with the US has declined to ratify it.

Only developed countries among the signatories were obliged to accept a discipline on their emission levels and hence fossil fuel outputs.  Although keen to demonstrate support for reduced greenhouse gas emissions, the Australian government is conscious that Australia has a greater dependence than most other developed counties on fossil fuels.  In Kyoto, this resulted in Australian negotiators requiring a relatively high level of emission targets (108 per cent of 1990 levels as the average for 2008-12, while most other countries agreed to reductions).  At the time there were many within Australia who were critical of the government for requiring an emission level that was higher than the spirit of the Kyoto agreement.

Australia's relatively generous target was posited on a business-as-usual level of emissions at about 128 per cent of the Kyoto level by 2010.  The stronger than anticipated level of economic growth that Australia has experienced since then would have boosted the business-as-usual level.  However, this effect is more than offset by a redefinition of what constitutes abatement and some measures taken to reduce emissions.  The net effects leave Australia's 2010 projected emission levels just a few percentage points above the target.

The Kyoto target is only for the initial period and is expected to be tightened considerably in the post 2012 period.

Energy policy in Australia that is directed at greenhouse issues has evolved into a complex regulatory and tax regime.  The original measures in place, designed to counter consumer myopia and a supposed dwindling energy supply, have been built upon over many years in different program announcements.  For the Commonwealth, the latest of these Securing Australia's Energy Future was issued by the Prime Minister in June 2004.

Measures include:

  • Regulation based subsidies and customer taxes to encourage low carbon emitting energy.
  • Regulatory requirements on energy efficiency.
  • Government outlays designed to promote specific types of low carbon energy.

REGULATORY REQUIREMENTS FOR LOW CARBON EMITTING ENERGY

The Main Regulatory Schemes

There are three main schemes that tax electricity, ostensibly with a view to imposing penalties to encourage consumption of fuels that produce lower carbon dioxide emissions per unit of energy.  These measures are:

  • the Federal Government's Mandatory Renewable Energy Target (MRET),
  • the Queensland's 13 per cent gas target, and
  • the NSW's Greenhouse Gas Abatement Certificate (NGAC) scheme.

The MRET scheme's focus is on renewable energy and requires retailers to acquire and annually surrender a progressively increased number of Renewable Energy Certificates (RECs).  The major beneficiary was hydro in 2003, with Snowy having some 490,000 RECs, worth some $16 million to the business.  Although accounting for only 10 per cent of the RECs created in 2003, wind is likely to increasingly account for the growth in new RECs.

The Queensland scheme seeks to substitute gas for coal based electricity inputs, while the NSW scheme seeks to introduce a penalty on CO2 graduated in line with the emissions per unit of energy of each electricity generation source.

The default penalty costs of the three regulatory measures provide a cap on the costs they are likely to entail.  These costs entail a premium over the costs of conventional electricity to retailers.  By 2010, when the schemes are at full maturity, the fall back penalty rates for the Commonwealth, NSW and Queensland schemes respectively are $40, $14.3 and $13.1 per MWh. (3)  These rates provide the (maximum) subsidies to the non-carbon or low-carbon emitting fuels.  In after-tax terms, costs to retailers of the three schemes' subsidies are $57, $20.4 and $18.66 per MWh. respectively.  These costs are over and above the basic wholesale (contract) price of electricity, which is likely to remain close to its present level of $35 per MWh.


Economy Wide Costs of the Main Regulatory Schemes

The costs of the three schemes, based on the penalty costs (in pre-tax terms) for 2010, are estimated as follows:

Table 1:  2010 Costs of Abatement Reduction

Commonwealth (4)$380M
NSW (5)$221M
Queensland (6)$68M

These costs are based on the Commonwealth MRET scheme applying to 9,500 GWhs;  the NSW NGAC scheme delivering approximately 15,756 GWhs;  the Queensland 13 per cent gas scheme delivering a little over 5,219 GWhs.

However, it is unlikely that the penalty rates for the Queensland scheme will normally be triggered because gas is not as uncompetitive as the set rate.  Similar conclusions might be drawn with regard to the NSW scheme where reduced carbon fuels may be available at below the penalty rate costs.

It is improbable that this will be the case for the Commonwealth scheme, even though current REC prices for 2007 are quoted at under $50 per MWh, significantly below the $57 per MWh effective tax rate on companies under fulfilling their quotas.  At present there is an excess supply of RECs as the requirement on retailers is small but increasing.

For future MRET prices, the MRET Review Panel accepted the estimates of consultants MMA which were that the MRET scheme would cost about $32 per tonne of CO2 in 2010. (7)  This is equivalent to a cost of REC at about $34 (per MWh).  It is implausible that we shall see a price this low since the MRET renewable fuel must eventually be dominated by wind once incremental hydro and bagasse based sources are fully exploited.  Wind generation costs are about $80 per MWh, some $45-50 more than conventional coal based electricity.

In practice, isolating future REC prices from reflecting the renewable energy costs they embody may be difficult.  Although the REC instrument is in principle separate from the energy that it represents, a financier will need to be satisfied that a proposed wind generator has adequate forward sales.  This means the REC and the wind are normally bundled together which makes it difficult to separate the two components.

Since wind is highly unreliable and requires back up of over 90 per cent of its capacity, (8) its value is less than that of conventional generators' supplies.  The true value of wind energy is, because it requires considerable capacity back up, more accurately expressed as simply the value of the energy saved.  The (marginal cost) energy component cost of coal based power stations is only $6-12 per MWh and not the $30 that might be the assumed pool price for a wind generator.  This may lead to the bundled REC and wind energy price being lower than expected.  A retailer might even take the view, once the wind component is sufficiently large, that the back up support required is fast start generation valued far in excess of the pool price.

In addition, the dispersed and intermittent nature of wind generation is likely to call for increased expenditure on transmission and distribution lines.  As discussed later, in non-compliance with the National Electricity Code, Victoria proposes to smear these costs across all suppliers.  Even without such blatant cross-subsidisation, some additional costs of wind generation are likely to fall on the supply industry as a whole.

The various means of mitigating the low value of wind, including weather derivatives and marrying wind to fast ramping generators simply mask the costs.

Other countries' renewable energy provisions require cost absorption in ways that are non-transparent.  The Australian system's placement with the retailer of the responsibility for ensuring the appropriate take up of renewable energy means most of the costs of wind will be revealed as retailers seek out the least cost means of meeting their obligations.


Carbon Dioxide Abatement Efficiencies of the Three Main Regulatory Schemes

Because the three schemes target greenhouse gases in different ways, they have much different tax incidences when they are expressed as taxes per tonne of CO2.

In after tax terms the three schemes' costs in terms of carbon dioxide abatement are as follows.

Table 2:  Abatement costs ($/tCO2e)

Pre-taxPost-tax
MRET3854
NSW Benchmark13.419
Queensland 13% Gas32.746

Source:  For the Commonwealth and Queensland estimated by relating the penalty rate to the abatement tonnage;  NSW legislation specifies the rate in terms of $/tonne CO2.


As tax rates, these are high compared to many international studies into the likely level of greenhouse gas tax required to achieve the requisite abatement levels, at least in the early years.  Thus, the McKibbin G-Cubed and the ABARE-GTEM models both envisaged international prices of the order of $7-15 per tonne of CO2 in the period to 2017. (9)  The NSW scheme, being carefully sculpted to the profile of electricity generators' emission levels, provides more greenhouse abating power per dollar of cost.  The Queensland scheme is less effective because it requires the substitution of gas which provides only about 40 per cent less CO2 per unit of energy than coal (although if low cost gas is available in sufficient quantities the penalty rate will not apply).

In terms of efficiency in reducing carbon dioxide emissions, it is the Commonwealth's MRET that is the least sensible of these taxes.  The Review Panel on MRET reported in September 2003 recognised that "MRET is not a 'least cost' abatement measure".  However, the Panel adopted a 1970s winner-picking approach to industry policy.  It recommended the scheme's continuance with a future increase and time extension, arguing that it promoted a future technology and without such support Australia risks losing its place in this future area of activity.

This is unfortunate, since aside from providing energy at three to fourfold the costs of conventional electricity generation, the uncontrollable feature of major windmills threatens considerable disruption in terms of power system stability.  They are also at the receiving end of considerable environmental displeasure because of their visual/noise intrusion.

For its part, the Government agreed to maintain the current scheme (including its 2020 sunset) but not to its expansion or extension beyond 2020.

In spite of the regulatory advantages that wind power has been given, the industry has been clamouring for even greater assistance.  Following the release of the Howard government's policy, according to a report in The Age 24 June 2004, (10)

Shocked wind power advocates say only aggressive lobbying, or the election of a Labor government, will save the market that was poised to reap billions of dollars in potential investment and dramatically reduce Australia's level of greenhouse gas emissions.

As a result of the Government not committing to even more generous subsidies, Andrew Richards, Pacific Hydro's manager of marketing and external affairs, was quoted as saying that his company will withdraw plans for $1.5 billion in wind farm investments over the next five years.  He was also reported as adding that the Government's announcement has chased away a further $5.5 billion of investment from Australia.  The Age also reported that Danish company Vestas, the world's leading manufacturer of wind turbines, is to reconsider "plans to build a multi-million dollar turbine blade manufacturing plant at Wynyard in Tasmania's northwest".

The renewables industry argues that only 2 per cent of 2010 electricity will be derived from these exotic subsidised energy sources by 2010.  A paper produced by WWF on behalf of a group of sponsors, including the wind industry and the Australian Gas Association, actually claims that less than one per cent of electricity will be so derived. (11)  In fact the correct amount is 4.5 per cent, (12) considerably above the "2 per cent additional energy" that the Prime Minister announced in 1997. (13)


Supporting Regulatory Measures

Perhaps in response to the industry's pressures and its well established publicity machine, some State Governments are preparing to offer a further free kick to wind generation.  This is even at the expense of the much trumpeted apparent unity they expressed in support for national energy regulatory uniformity.

Victoria has been first off the block.  A bill is before State Parliament (14) that permits the Minister to require the costs of an expansion of the distribution system to cater for new wind generation to be smeared across all users.

The measure is contrary to the provisions that all governments, state and federal, have agreed to in the National Electricity Code.  This states at 5.5:

(f) The Network Service Provider and the Generator shall negotiate in good faith to reach agreement as appropriate on the:

(1) connection service charge to be paid by the Generator in relation to connection assets to be provided by the Network Service Provider;

(2) use of system services charge to be paid by the Generator in relation to any augmentations or extensions required to be undertaken in respect of all affected transmission networks and distribution networks;

Connection charges were to be paid for by the new generator on the basis of the costs entailed.  Capital costs under the new proposal are to be paid for by the consumer.  This is a further subsidy to an infant industry that will forever require a handicap.

The fact that the decision to smear a wind generator's costs is at the Minister's discretion is an additional shortcoming of the proposal since it is an invitation to political corruption.


TAXES ON ENERGY INPUTS

In addition to the three major greenhouse gas abatement regulatory measures, there are various other taxes on energy inputs.  Chief among these is the royalties minerals must pay.  These ancient levies were originally in place to provide sovereigns with income as recompense for extracting minerals (originally only gold and silver) within their realms.  As a tax on inputs, their only rational justification in a modern economy is to pay for specific services mining activity requires.  Chief among these is the Mining Warden but the costs associated with this are massively over collected.

According to estimates undertaken by APPEA, taxes are levied as royalties on basic minerals at a rate of three cents per gigajoule for brown coal, six cents for black coal and 25 cents for gas.  Gas royalties are reduced by tax holidays for coal seam methane gas in NSW and increased up to an estimated $1 per gigajoule for offshore gas which attracts resource rent taxation. (15)

In terms of revenue measures these are as follows

Table 3:  Royalty Collections on Coal and Gas

Production for Domestic MarketpjRoyalties paid ($M)
black coal140084
brown coal67020.1
onshore gas34085
offshore gas655655

The tax rates imposed by royalties when expressed as a CO2 tax are as follows:

Table 4:  Carbon Taxes on Different Fuels

$/tonne CO2
Brown coal0.32
Black coal NSW0.61
Black coal Qld0.64
on-shore gas3.91
Coal seam methane (NSW)0.94
off-shore PRRT15.63

Thus, Queensland has a tax on gas at the rate of just under $4 per tonne and a tax on coal of 64 cents per tonne.  But, as shown in Table 2, the Queensland "13 per cent gas" requirement for electricity generation can place a tax on fuels other than gas at the rate of $33 per tonne of CO2.

Royalties as taxes therefore add further confusion to the policy on carbon abatement.  One option would be to increase the royalty tax so that it is levied at comparable rates on all energy sources -- either at the same rate per energy unit, or at the same rate per carbon dioxide unit.  While such an approach would doubtless please those long on the energy sources that are currently more heavily taxed, it is not consistent with the rationale for royalties.  These should have a neutral effect on production and should be levied so that only the purpose-specific costs are recouped.


REGULATORY REQUIREMENTS FOR ENERGY EFFICIENCY

Generator efficiency and other facilities' standards

Standards have been set and measurements are required for fossil fuel electricity generators.  These seek to increase the output per unit of input.  Announcing the measures in June 2000, the Minister, Senator Hill said he expected the new standards for fossil fuel generators will lead to a cut of about four million tonnes of carbon emissions each year.

The specific provisions involve detailed reporting on a six monthly basis specifying the amount and source of greenhouse emissions.

There is no published report reviewing the effectiveness of the program.  Perhaps representing a triumph of hope over experience the Prime Minister's energy statement of June 2004, Securing Australia's Energy Future, extends a similar reporting requirement (though only every five years) on all of Australia's largest energy users.

It is doubtful that such measures will have any effect on firms' energy usages, though their paperburden does of course use resources.


Minimum Energy Performance Standards (MEPS) for appliances

Having been pioneered as measures to encourage consumers to conserve energy, like many other energy saving measures, minimum energy performance standards now have as their main purpose the reduced production of greenhouse gases.  Regulations to achieve this include standards for refrigerators, freezers, electric storage water heaters, and small electric motors.

The regulations were addressed by the Prime Ministerial statement, Safeguarding the Future:  Australia's Response to Climate Change (20 November 1997), following the Kyoto Convention.  In that statement the PM said, the Australian governments were to work "to develop energy efficiency codes and standards for housing and commercial buildings, appliances and equipment".  Some $4.4 million was allocated for a range of matters including "minimum energy performance standards for new appliances and equipment regulating or developing codes of practice to ensure their adoption and, where appropriate, labelling or rating appliances and equipment to help consumers with their selection."

Labelling to inform consumers of energy efficiency for these products is common worldwide, although such requirements were only introduced in the European Union in the past few years.

It is maintained that without the regulations consumers would place inadequate priority on purchasing goods that used less energy and would be attracted instead to appliances that offered a low initial price or some other features that the promoters of the regulations consider to be less valuable.

Now that the regulations are now primarily targeted at greenhouse gas emission reductions their proponents maintain that the "externality" effect of global warming caused by greenhouse gas emissions is not factored into consumer purchases of these appliances.  Accordingly, they would argue that the incentives of savings in energy costs are insufficient to bring about an adequate response without regulatory intervention.  The consequent artificially low prices of fossil fuel energy encourage consumers to use more electricity than they would if they had to pay for the full costs of their energy usage.

A number of reports by George Wilkenfeld and Associates (16) and Energy Efficient Strategies attempted to calculate the increased carbon dioxide emissions that would result from an absence of labelling requirements and the additional benefits that would follow from mandatory performance standards.  Among their conclusions were the following somewhat speculative estimates:

  • total energy efficiency of refrigerators and freezers is trending downwards by 2-3% per annum, a trend which is taken to be directly caused by energy labelling
  • abandonment of energy labelling would increase consumption of electricity for appliances by about 890 GWh or $1690 million over 15 years, an average of 56 GWh per annum;  of this 647 GWh over 15 years (43 GWh per annum) is from refrigerators and freezers
  • abandonment of energy labelling would increase CO2 emissions by 0.8 million tonnes per annum (total Australian emissions was expected to be 654 million tonnes in the year 2000 comprising 1.4% of world emissions);  energy labelling measures therefore claim to reduce emissions by about 0.12%)
  • the introduction of MEPS is estimated to reduce electricity use by an additional 99 GWh per annum on water heaters and by 59 GWh on refrigerators and freezers;  this equates to reductions in CO2 emissions of 1.2 and 0.8 million tonnes respectively. (17)

The proposed regulations are a highly selective, non-neutral method of achieving the goal.  MEPS targets products that account for only 2% of Australia's total greenhouse gas emissions.  The measures, once having reached maturity are estimated to reduce emissions by less than 0.2% of the business-as-usual levels.

Modest though they are, these estimated reductions exaggerate the effect of the regulations because they exclude energy efficiency improvements that are taking place without any regulation.

In addition, the studies on which the regulations were based were predicated on a rate of take up of the more energy efficient appliances where the real energy cost was assumed to increase by 1% per annum up to 2015.  Following electricity reforms, costs to contestable customers have fallen in nominal terms by close to 20% and, as contestability has been extended to most customers, further real declines to households can be expected.  This would reduce the share of energy to total costs from those used in the GWA 1996 study of 43% for refrigerators, 47% for freezers and 25-62% for electric storage water heaters.  (Based on an 8% discount factor).

MEPS is also likely to mean reducing the availability of cheaper products or of some specialised products which fill particular niches or requirements.  The proposals were estimated to increase the price of refrigerator-freezers by 1.4% and water heaters by 5-10%.  The total cost to manufacturers of the adoption of MEPS is $9.5 million per annum.  These costs will be recouped from consumers.

Higher prices of themselves are likely to have a market effect.  With higher prices consumers will defer the purchase of new goods.  This reduces somewhat the effect of the regulations in bringing about the targeted reductions in energy use and CO2 emissions.

The effect on competition is also likely to be significant.  The GWA 1994 study estimated that MEPS would have ruled out the sales of 50% of refrigerators and freezers if introduced in its original form in 1992.  Considerable negotiation was engaged in to establish a level of MEPS that the local producers could acquiesce in for water heaters and even then the measure was designed to exclude the smaller units.


Housing energy saving

Governments are examining energy saving measures that will require additional costs for new buildings, including houses.  Victoria's Government will require that all new houses incorporate additional $2000 costs to use less electricity and water.

Under the Plumbing (Water and Energy Savings) Regulations 2004, people buying new houses must install low pressure water valves.  In addition, they have a choice of installing a 2000 litre rainwater tank or a solar heating system.

The proposed water storage tank for each new house would mean an outlay of $1895.  This would save only $11 per year and won't contribute in a drought.  Even the government's chosen consultants couldn't endorse it.

The new home buyers' alternative regulatory choice, solar heating, involves an upfront outlay of $2000.  This is for an unreliable energy supply that, once its capital costs are factored in, is many times more expensive than conventionally generated electricity.

The government's consultants claim that the proposed measures will bring economic benefits.  They argue more jobs will be created as labour intensive solar heating and water tank manufacturing replaces capital intensive power stations and dams.  If solving unemployment was that easy, we could replace our aluminium and steel industries and broad acre agriculture with basket weaving and organic farming!

They also claim the regulations would improve the income of those incurring the costs.  This maintains the paternalism that has long dominated public policy in this area -- apparently the new home buyers do not have the wisdom to take self-beneficial decisions for themselves.


SPECIFIC SUBSIDIES FOR "GREENHOUSE FRIENDLY" ENERGY PRODUCERS AND USERS

Aside from the taxes implicit in the programs addressed above, a great many Commonwealth and State measures provide financial support to fuels that offer lower carbon:  energy intensities or require energy users to incur costs that encourage reduced emissions.

Measures listed in the 2004/5 Commonwealth Budget are as follows:

Table 5:  Department of Environment and Heritage Climate Change Expenditures

2004-05
$m
2005-06
$m
EXPENSE
   Action on energy efficiency5.56.7
   Challenge Plus - Industry Partnerships6.76.9
   Climate Change Science Programme6.66.8
   Continued administration of the Mandatory Renewable Energy Target2.62.7
   Emissions measurement and analysis5.38.1
   Local greenhouse action2.53.2
   Greenhouse action to enhance sustainability in regional Australia3.74.9
   Influencing international climate change policy2.54.8
   Low emissions technology and abatement3.25.7
   National Climate Change Adaptation Programme2.33.6
   Strategic national response4.47.2
Total expenditure45.560.6
   Reprioritisation of existing funding-42.1-57.5
Net additional expenditure3.43.2
RELATED REVENUE MEASURES (a)
   Continued administration of the Mandatory Renewable Energy Target0.50.6

Source:  Commonwealth Budget


Since then there has been the PM's Statement of June 2004 in Securing Australia's Energy Future.  According to this,

"The Australian Government will implement a suite of measures to lower the cost of significantly reducing greenhouse emissions in the future by:

  • increasing the availability and reducing the costs of low greenhouse emissions technologies by:
    • establishing a $500 million fund to demonstrate low-emission (fossil fuel and renewable) technologies which could significantly reduce greenhouse gas emissions if deployed at commercial scale
    • providing an additional $100 million to target strategic research, development and commercialisation of smaller-scale renewable energy technologies
  • establishing a $75 million Solar Cities programme to provide a working demonstration of how technology, energy efficiency and efficient markets can combine to provide a sustainable energy future
  • facilitating commercially attractive emission reductions, with a focus on large energy users, through measures including mandatory energy efficiency opportunity assessments, an enhanced Greenhouse Challenge programme with membership required for large energy projects and users, and development of more demand side management opportunities in electricity and gas markets
  • maintaining support for the take-up of low-emission energy sources, including by
    • continuing the Mandatory Renewable Energy Target (MRET) until 2020 with improved transparency and administration
    • providing $230 million to continue support for greenhouse technology projects under programmes such as the Remote Renewable Power Generation and Greenhouse Gas Abatement programmes.
    • providing $34 million to remove specific barriers to the deployment of renewable energy, including better wind forecasting, improved electricity storage options and better grid connection rules."

The additional program expenditure listed under Energy Efficiency and Climate Change and Energy include:

Table 6:  Commonwealth Program Expenditures Announced June 2004

2004-052005-062006-072007-08
Mandatory energy efficiency opportunity assessments2.23.73.93.7
Climate Change Strategy -- Action on energy efficiency5.56.77.27.2
Low Emissions Technology Demonstration Fund1.51.851.851.6
Solar Cities2.15.921.224.6

In addition there is government funding for low emission technologies, the vehicles for which are listed as

  • University Funding
  • R&D Tax Concession
  • Australian Research Council Grants
  • R&D Start/Commercial Ready
  • The Cooperative Research Centre for Greenhouse Gas Technologies, which has an average annual funding of $3.1 million
  • Other Cooperative Research Centres
  • CSIRO
  • Elements of GeoScience Australia

Additional program expenditures by State Governments include

  • NSW Department of Energy, Utilities and Sustainability (DEUS) Renewable Investment Program estimated at about $5 million per annum
  • Victorian SEAV $21.8 million, plus the Community Action Fund ($0.8 million) and the Centre for Energy Technologies ($4.7 million).

It is difficult to estimate the effectiveness or efficiency of these measures in terms of CO2 mitigation.


CONCLUDING COMMENTS

The threshold question is whether governments should take action to reduce carbon dioxide and other emissions that are thought to be promoting global warming.  The Australian Government, though not having ratified Kyoto, has announced that it will seek to meet the targets, at least for the 2008-12 reference period.

Government regulatory and direct expenditure on greenhouse gas abatement is considerable but difficult to estimate.  The greenhouse programs are a potpourri of taxing and spending that has grown up in an ad hoc manner such that no official agency has been able or willing to undertake a comprehensive audit of the different expenditures.  The programs involve the following summaries of spending:

Table 7:  Summary of Greenhouse Taxes and Expenditures

Costs M
Commonwealth, NSW and Queensland Abatement Requirements on Retailers$669 (2010)
Royalties$844
Commonwealth Government Disbursements$124 (2006/7)
State Government Disbursements$32

In addition there are the regulatory measures that cannot be readily evaluated including stipulations on the energy efficiency of buildings and appliances, and regulatory measures that require consumers to finance poles and wires for wind based generators.

Clearly, there is considerable waste and inconsistencies in the various measures that governments have introduced which they claim to be targeted at concerns about possible global warming.  The plethora of measures amount to a micro-management of the mitigation of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gas emissions.  This is never likely to be a successful policy approach.  The agencies and jurisdictional rivalries within government will always prevent such an approach from providing the most efficient policy tools.

The most efficient approach is likely to involve a simple carbon (and other greenhouse gas) pricing mechanism that offers the right incentives for those best placed to determine and act on the most cost-effective means of defraying the emissions.

While many would view carbon taxes or the creation of tradable carbon rights as an optimal solution in economic terms, substantial practical difficulties have prevented their adoption to date.  These include questions as to the appropriate rate of such taxes, or means of vesting the tradable rights.  Many of these questions derive from uncertainties as to the likely future effects of global warming, as well as the political difficulties that inevitably arise from taxation proposals that would have substantially differing effects on different sectors of the economy.  Moreover, the commitment to existing regulatory measures with long time frames makes it difficult for their early termination and replacement by a price based mechanism.

Even so, given the policy commitment to an emission reduction strategy, a severe rationalisation of Australia's many programs would seem to recommend itself.  A precursor to this would be to develop some auditable hierarchy of return in terms of dollar cost per unit of abatement that each of the present measures entails.



ENDNOTES

1.  Meadows et al (1972) Limits to Growth, Universe books, New York.

2.  For evidence about the potency of private ownership in promoting efficiency see http://ipa.org.au/pubs/Moranwebpapers/Energy28.pdf

3.  Penalties under the NSW and Queensland schemes are subject to indexation;  annual inflation of 3.5 per cent is assumed.

4.  Based on 9,500 GWh at a penalty cost of $40 per GWh

5.  Based on:

  • benchmark of 7.27 tonnes CO2 per capita totalling 52.054 million tonnes in 2010
  • 2010 business-as-usual emission level estimated at 71.406 million tonnes
  • Giving State gap of 19.352 million tonnes CO2 less MRET credit estimated at 2.808 million tonnes
  • Giving 16.544 million tonnes
  • With penalty rate at $13.36 per tonne CO2 ($10.5 escalated at 3.5 per cent per annum)
  • Gives total cost at $221 million

6.  Equals

  • 2010 "liable load" of 43.630 GWh (52.639 GWh less 9 GWh)
  • Less 8 per cent line losses times 13 per cent gas requirement = 5.219 GWh
  • 5.219 GWh times ($11 increased annually by CPI of 3.5 per cent) = $68 million

7.  http://www.mretreview.gov.au/report/pubs/mret-review.pdf

8.  See NEMMCO, Forecasting Intermittent Generation in the National Electricity Market, 11 February 2004;  e.on,, Wind Report 2004

9.  See www.greenhouse.gov.au/international/kyoto/index.html

10.  Gone with the wind 23 June 2004 http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2004/06/22/1087844936119.html

11.  See "Towards Victoria's Clean Energy Future" by Dr Mark Diesendorf, WWF, 2004.

12.  9,600 GWh as share of total 2010 load of 213108 (estimated from 2002 load of 176279 and ABARE growth rate of 2.4 per cent per annum)

13.  http://parlinfoweb.aph.gov.au/PIWeb/view_document.aspx?id=541758&table=HANSARDR.  The Prime Minister said, "The government will work with the states and territories to set a mandatory target for electricity retailers to source an additional two per cent of their electricity from renewable energy sources by 2010."

14.  Electricity Industry (Wind Energy Development) Act 2004

15.  The PRRT being levied on profits would attract much lower taxes than the $1 per Gj for more marginal fields like those being developed in the Otways.

16.  GWA (1991) Residential Appliances in Australia, prepared for SECV 1991;  GWA et al (1991) Review of Residential Appliance Labelling prepared for SEVC;  GWA et al (1993) Benefits and Costs of Implementing Minimum Energy Performance Standards for Household Electrical Appliances in Australia, prepared for the SECV;  GWA et al, (1993) Evaluation of the National Energy Management Program prepared for DPIE;  GWA Analysis of ABARE's MENSA/MARKEL model prepared for ABARE;  GWA (1996) Study on Energy Efficiency Standards for Traded Products, prepared for DPIE;  GWA (1996) Calculation of Fuel Cycle CO2 Coefficients for Natural Gas and Electricity 1993-94, Prepared for the Greenhouse Challenge;  Energy Efficient Strategies (1995) Analysis of GfK Refigerator and Freezer Sales Data, prepared for DPIE and NSW Dept of Energy;  GWA (1996) Electric Appliance Energy Labelling:  Estimated Costs and Benefits of Continuation, Abandonment and Enhancement, Prepared for DPIE.

17.  Because of timing changes on the introduction of MEPS, the upper limit figure for refrigerators and freezers considerably overstates the maximum benefits as manufacturers have already made major energy efficiency improvements in the period since 1993 when the estimate was originally made.

Monday, November 01, 2004

Future Consumer Advocacy Arrangements for the Energy Sector

A Submission to the Ministerial Council on Energy Review


A REVIEW OF THE ADVOCACY PANEL IS TIMELY

The Advocacy Panel of NECA provides grants from hypothecated taxation funds to those who make a satisfactory case for support.  The review by the MCE is timely in view the experience we have now obtained of its activities.

Some 70 grants have been given to date.  No review of the quality of the material produced from these grants has been published.  In assessing future arrangements for the Panel, it would appear incumbent upon the review process to examine the outcome of its funding disbursements.  The starting hypothesis, however, should be that not one of these has added an iota of knowledge or new insights that were not previously present and that would allow better decisions on market management to be made.  If that is the case -- and we anticipate the hypothesis would be sustained by a rigorous review -- the funding has, at best, been a waste of money.

However, it is optimistic to consider that the Panel's funding output has merely comprised anodyne reports that have done no harm.  What has been created by the funding is a body of reports and associated publicity which places pressure on politicians to regulate the industry, thereby adding costs.

The outcome of the Panel's funding has, therefore, very likely brought cost increases that will impact adversely on the price and reliability of electricity.  This is, perhaps inevitable, since many people who are influential within the bodies claiming to represent consumers often adopt an anti-market perspective that sees suppliers as having interests inimical to users.

In such a win-lose framework lower prices are a clear gain for energy users.  In fact, however, market situations do not take place in a win-lose framework (though this may be present in the monopolistic structures that the current supply system replaced).  Those retailers subject to the disciplines of a competitive market are heavily constrained in their management options.  Any retailer which is overenthusiastic in its efforts to improve its profits by stinting on service or over-charging will lose business to other retailers who achieve a more appropriate market mix.

Some evidence of the (unintended) anti-consumer outcomes of the Advocacy Panel can be illustrated by examining three kinds of reports they have funded.  These are:

  • Reports like those undertaken or commissioned by the Energy Users Association that have sought to characterise the wholesale energy market as exhibiting monopoly features that have driven up the wholesale prices.  That such concerns are based on fact is absurd, as is amply demonstrated by the following price data ($ per MWH).

    YearNSWQLDSASNOWYVIC
    1998-199933.1351.65156.0232.3436.33
    1999-200028.2744.1159.2727.9626.35
    2000-200137.6941.3356.3937.0644.57
    2001-200234.7635.3431.6131.5930.97
    2002-200332.9137.7930.1129.8327.56
    2003-200432.3728.1834.8630.8025.38

    Source:  NEMMCO

    Oblivious to these data, many user activists examine energy prices at five minute or half hourly intervals and claim to detect evidence of "gaming" to boost the price.  The poor analysis on which those efforts are based has, fortunately, not been translated into damaging changes to the market rules.  To the degree that they had done so, they would have forced modifications in supplier behaviour that would have locked-in prices for some time prior to despatch.  This may have brought lower prices initially, especially for needle peaks.  But in the process it would have reduced the incentive for new plant in this market segment thereby degrading reliability and increasing prices over the longer term.  Consumers would have been clear losers.

  • Seeking to depress line usage prices.  Governments have charged independent regulatory bodies like IPART and the ACCC to set prices for those facilities that have considerable market power.  Such bodies are impartial and professional, and the outcomes of their investigations should not be influenced by advocacy groups.  Advocacy groups do not have superior knowledge about matters like beta coefficients on which the Panel has funded them to proffer their advice.  To the degree advocacy groups are influential in reducing prices below the appropriate level, this will impact adversely upon the incentives (and perhaps funding) of the suppliers, thereby bringing diminishhed benefits to consumers in real terms.

  • Opposing actions by retailers to ensure timely and adequate payment for the energy they supply.  Various consumerist organisations have opposed the credit policy of retailers, a policy which is designed to ensure timely payment by penalising those who do not pay their bills.  The penalty may involve disconnection and associated subsequent charges.

    Similarly there has been opposition to pre-paid metering, so much so that the Victorian Government has announced its intention to legislate against this.  Pre-payment meters have proven popular in the UK for a variety of reasons.  One of these is that they allow chronic non-payers of bills to address their problems without disconnection.

    Electricity is not a product for which payment should be optional.  Many of those promoting more indulgent approaches to payment enforcement consider consumers have a right to electricity and that suppliers' privileges carry barely qualified obligations to supply all users.  This is false.  Opposition to businesses taking energetic actions to collect debts is also often motivated by reasoning that regards the supplier as bearing the costs of non-payment.  In the first instance this may be so.  But, to the degree that debtors and delinquent users are not penalised, suppliers have to load the costs onto the prices of other users.  The honest and conscientious consumer is therefore disadvantaged by strictures preventing expeditious debt collection.  In other words, the action in the name of consumer interests rebound against those interests.


IS SUPPORT FOR ADVOCACY GROUPS WARRANTED?

FUNDING AND THE ISSUES

Energy advocacy groups largely fall within one of two sorts of bodies:  those claiming to represent household consumers and those speaking on behalf of industry users.  According to the Advocacy Panel's latest annual report, of the $1 million or so allocated by December 2003, about $470,000 had been allocated to consumerist organisations and a little less to business organisations, with about $90,000 allocated to two green groups.

Opening the door to any form of government funding creates constant pressures for its expansion.  Somewhat incestuously, the funding itself will often be used to promote greater funding.  Using taxpayer funds to promote the allocation of additional taxpayer funding is similar to governments using taxpayer funds to promote their own re-election, activities that are illegal in democratic societies.

One example of Advocacy Panel funding used to promote additional such funding even outraged the Chairman of the Advocacy Panel.  He felt obliged to provide a lengthy and scathing rebuttal of the findings of a report by Allen Consulting into the Future of Consumer Advocacy that user groups had commissioned.  Financed by a grant of $34,000 from the Advocacy Panel, that report recommended that the user groups decide for themselves which of them should obtain funding from the industry levy and how much should be so obtained.  The Advocacy Panel's Chairman called the report illogical and said it was "unprofessional and unsophisticated" and "alarmist in alleging market failure".  He pointed out that it offered no support for its claims.

Yet, in August this year, the Ministerial Council on Energy made the astounding finding that the Allen Consulting report "provides a useful starting point for considering the options for a new advocacy structure".  The Allen report was also noted by the present review, which, surely inadvertently, was thereby conferring some endorsement of its assertions.

Clearly some recipients of these funds consider themselves to have a right to them.  The EUGA has frequently and energetically made the claim that the funds actually belong to those judging themselves to be the user representatives.  It is important that such arrogation of government powers be rejected by this review.


BUSINESS USER GROUPS

It is highly unusual for governments to give support for business groups as a means of lobbying government agencies to make decisions in their favour.  It would be inconceivable for the government to give funds for advocacy to business groups using the products or services of Microsoft, Telstra or airports even though these are businesses with a great deal of market power.

Nor do governments give funding to other industry suppliers that are highly reliant on a major customer, a situation that might be said to prevail in motor vehicle assembly.  Governments do not even provide funding to the dependent franchises of major businesses like the oil companies, MacDonald's or of shopping centres.

Governments avoid such actions because it considers, with good reason, that business relations are best left to mutual interactions.  Government involvement in support of one set of parties will engender unnecessary costs.

The closest parallel to electricity is telecommunications, where an advocacy panel also operates but no funding (except perhaps sitting fees) is given to business groups.

RECOMMENDATION:  Funding should not be given to business representative groups.

CONSUMERIST ORGANISATIONS AND OTHER FUNDING RECIPIENTS

Unlike business organisations, those purporting to represent consumers have a problem proving their legitimacy.  It is not difficult to promote oneself as a champion of a group of people but in the absence of some means of validating this through being appointed via a democratic process or through the willing payment of fees the credentials are slight.  We know of no consumerist organisation that purports to speak on behalf of a broad group of people that has any democratic process in place.

The true consumer champion, in a competitive market, is the retailer.  In competitive markets, it is the retailer who searches out the products that consumers want and packages these in ways that represent good value for money.  The retailer does so conscious that rivals are keen to take the business for themselves, and in a free market can only do so by offering better value.

This market process is, of course, not so readily seen where there is monopoly.  This applies to areas of retailing in those states (Queensland notably and possibly also NSW) where full retail contestability is not permitted.  Even in those jurisdictions, the decision protecting incumbent retailers has been made by well-informed governments and it should be left to those governments to decide whether they should fund outside bodies to offer advice on the repercussions, if any.

The danger from consumerist organisations stems from their capture by radical anti-business elements who would promote a departure from the market allocation processes that have served us well as a community.  Some of the perverse outcomes emanting from such group captures have already been adverted to.

Disturbingly, most of the funding for consumer groups provided by the Advocacy Panel has been allocated to "capacity building".  Across a range of issues, capacity building has become code for seeking to promote radical policies to an otherwise unconcerned body of people.  It smacks of agitprop in seeking to manufacture a constituency rather than in representing people who are in need of a voice.

The above comments may give rise to additional concerns given the relative ease that consumerists are able to obtain funding.  The consumer representative on the Panel has said that he now tutors consumerist organisations in how best to meet the requirements of the Panel so that 85-95 per cent of current submissions from that group are now successful.  Irrespective of whether the factoids resulting from their expenditures are useful, the review might care to consider whether such a high "success" rate is indicative of efficiency.

Green groups have been the only other significant recipient of funds from the Advocacy Panel.  It is invidious that they should receive such funding from a program designed to promote the interests of consumers of electricity (and gas if the program were to be extended to cover all reticulated energy).

Generally the material prepared by green groups, irrespective of its merits to more general elements of government policy, will promote measures that would increase the costs of energy.

RECOMMENDATION:  that no funding be provided to bodies other than those which can make strong claims to represent consumer groupings that might be disadvantaged by the existing market arrangements.

A POSSIBLE TEMPLATE FOR FUTURE FUNDING CRITERIA

Several threshold questions need to be answered in this review.  In line with policy towards all government expenditures, a sunset should be in place for the program.

Our won appraisal would see little to recommend the on-going funding of energy advocacy.  Given the unhappy experience with its outputs over the past two years, we would prefer to see the program discontinued.

Should some funding be maintained, it might best carried forward using the approach used for telecommunications.  Like electricity and gas, telecommunications has large numbers of sometimes vocal household and business consumers and has elements of monopoly.  Although there is some funding to vocal anti-business zealots, including the Communications Law Centre, most telecommunications user funding is directed at niche groups like those representing people with disabilities.  Much of the funding is also allocated for sitting fees on advisory bodies.  The sums involved have been pared back in recent years and totalled $700,000 for 2004-05.

We would see a case for only a fraction of that level of funding for electricity (and gas).  The only justification for funding of consumer bodies concerns the monopoly features of the supply.  Although electricity has core elements of natural monopoly broadly comparable to telecommunications, most of these are state based in the case of electricity.  State Governments already provide funding for consumer advocacy (e.g. Victoria's Consumer Utilities Advocacy Centre) and this is the appropriate jurisdictional level for such funding if any is to be extended at all.

For telecommunications, the grant recipients are determined by the Commonwealth Minister on advice from officials.  Although the NECA's Advocacy Panel is chaired by a person of the highest integrity and other members are also conscientious in fulfilling their duties, if it is to remain in place its activities and remit should be circumscribed.  The poor standard of the activities funded by the Panel to date doubtless owes much to them effectively having a quota of funds to allocate each year.  As a minimum, grants should be budget limited rather than budget determined and given only to projects with a clear consumer benefit focus and subject to an annual cap.  The objectives would include spending only on high quality worthy projects.

RECOMMENDATION:  That funding be either eliminated or considerably reduced and be granted as sitting fees/conference attendance for consumer representatives who can demonstrate some bona fides.  Other funding should be extended to studies that provide insights into consumer needs that are not readily determined by retailers.  Advisors within designated government departments may be sufficient to service this funding level.

Sunday, October 31, 2004

A Blow to Deregulation

Deregulation and opening up competition in infrastructure like electricity and telecommunications have been central to Australia's strong economic performance.

To the applause of those recognising regulation's stifling effect on business, last April the Treasurer, John Brumby, announced a new Government agency, the Victorian Competition & Efficiency Commission (VCEC).  A key part of the VCEC's task was to scrutinise proposed new regulations, which were in future to require a business impact test.

The Bracks Government, intent on establishing the economic credentials that would keep them in office for decades, was also turning its mind to other promising cost-saving agendas.  A key one of these was in energy.  Minister Theophanous played the leading role in the formation of the Australia-wide Ministerial Committee designed to promote consistency and uniformity in the nation's $60 billion electricity and gas supply industry.

This need for greater uniformity in national competition arrangements is widely recognised.  It was a major feature of a recent broad-ranging Productivity Commission report into how to renew the reform process and maintain a strong economy.

Unfortunately the lofty principles behind the Victorian Government's initiatives in this direction are proving to be but chaff in the wind.  They are being discarded once ministers glimpse an opportunity for exploiting a vote-getting issue.

With the ink barely dry on its overarching policy programs, the Treasurer confronted a situation with regard to wind energy where they would frustrate his preferred outcomes.

Wind generators already receive hidden subsidies from electricity consumers as a result of a (Commonwealth) regulation.  These subsidies provide wind generators with a price for their output that is two to three times that received by conventional generators.

In spite of this, proponents of wind generators are finding it difficult to finance them.  So, Mr Brumby has introduced a Wind Energy Development Bill that will require customers, not wind developers, to pay for the costs of new electricity lines that connect them to the users.  As with the Commonwealth subsidy, consumers will be unaware of the transfer.  Needless to say, there was no scrutiny of the proposal by VCEC.

The new proposal piles on yet another subsidy to a hopelessly uncompetitive power source.  It also thwarts the national uniformity Victoria has so vociferously championed.  The electricity code requires generators to pay for new connections to customers.  Without such a rule, we would see remote and inaccessible generators whistling up new electricity lines that are paid for by users in general.  Providing "free" funding for these generators would bring a vast increase in the cost of the electricity delivered to the customer.

Making matters worse, the Victorian Government's wind proposals leaves the receipt of the subsidy for each proposal to the Minister's discretion.  This opens the door to the sort of banana republic political corruption that can cause the economy to nosedive.

A stable regulatory framework and an agreement by politicians to setting broad policy and legal frameworks are essential for an efficient productive process.  This requires politicians impose iron disciplines on themselves.  It would be most unfortunate if we in Victoria were witnessing the State's Treasurer spearheading a corrosion of these disciplines.


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Friday, October 29, 2004

"Hands off" Gets Fiery Results

What is best for the environment?  What should our environmental priorities be?  How interventionist an approach should we take, for example, to the management of weeds in national parks?

Before the federal election, it was thought that the Australian Greens led by Bob Brown would hold the balance of power in the Senate.

Public policies would reflect their view on what was best for the environment, including that an additional three thousand gigalitres (six Sydney Harbour equivalents) of environmental water be flushed down the Murray River.

The election, however, threw up something altogether different.  The Australian Greens are unlikely to have much influence in the new Parliament.

This perhaps represents an opportunity for us to reflect on alternatives and consider what is really best for the environment, while balancing economic and social considerations.

Early conservationists subscribed to a "Garden of Eden" type model with man having a management role tending and looking after the landscape.  Remember Noah built the ark to save the animals from the flood.

More recently a "hands off, leave it to nature" philosophy has developed and become embedded in many government policies.

This approach, which underpins much of the recent native vegetation management legislation across Australia, seems to almost deny the dynamic nature of our landscapes and excludes man from an active management role.

Last year, the Queensland Government went to great trouble to suppress the findings of a report prepared by its own officers that explained how uncontrolled woodland thickening associated with bans on tree clearing would likely result in a reduction in ground flora biodiversity and increased erosion.

At the same time, and while the NSW Government was focused on banning tree-clearing to protect perhaps 20,000 hectares of native vegetation, close to three million hectares of forest and native vegetation was incinerated in bushfires.

The extent and intensity of the bushfires was at least in part a consequence of the "hands off, leave it to nature" philosophy that had prevented adequate controlled burning.

It is a fact of life that if you don't have your own plan, your own vision, you will likely be recruited into implementing someone else's plan.

Organisations such as the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) and the Australian Conservation Foundation don't undertake much tree planting or grow any organic food themselves -- they are about recruiting others to implement their plans, their vision of what is best for the environment.

The Australian landscape and our own beliefs and values, are not things that have always existed in their current form.  They have been, and are being, evolved.


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